Quotes about liberty

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1790s, Farewell Address (1796)

1910s, Address to the Knights of Columbus (1915)

Autobiography (1936; 1949; 1958)

Ibid., p. 144
The Book of Disquiet
Original: Dentro da capoeira de onde irá a matar, o galo canta hinos à liberdade porque lhe deram dois poleiros.

We tried to overcome the thirty thousand majority by honest methods, which was a mathematical impossibility. After we had borne these indignities for eight years life became worthless under such conditions.
As quoted in "The Question of Race in the South Carolina Constitutional Convention of 1895" (July 1952), by George B. Tindall. The Journal of Negro History, 37 (3): 277–303. JSTOR 2715494., p. 94.

1790s, To the Hebrew Congregation in Newport, Rhode Island, 18 August 1790

"Canon Law: Ecclesiastical Ministry" (1771)
Questions sur l'Encyclopédie (1770–1774)
Original: (fr) La vertu suppose la liberté, comme le transport d’un fardeau suppose la force active. Dans la contrainte point de vertu, et sans vertu point de religion. Rends-moi esclave, je n’en serai pas meilleur. Le souverain même n’a aucun droit d’employer la contrainte pour amener les hommes à la religion, qui suppose essentiellement choix et liberté. Ma pensée n’est pas plus soumise à l’autorité que la maladie ou la santé.

[The Goals Program. How to Stay Motivated, Volume III, chapter 5, Zig Ziglar]
Attributed

Speech in Eastbourne (25 November 1911), quoted in The Times (27 November 1911), p. 7

"Modern Times"
Poetry, Miscellaneous poems

Reasoned Proposal to the Central Committee of the League for Peace and Freedom (1867)

Reasoned Proposal to the Central Committee of the League for Peace and Freedom (1867)

Reasoned Proposal to the Central Committee of the League for Peace and Freedom (1867)

1860s, Speech at Hartford (1860)

Source: The Ballot or the Bullet (1964), Speech in Detroit, Michigan (12 April 1964)

Part I, Essay 2: Of the Liberty of the Press
Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary (1741-2; 1748)
Context: It is a very comfortable reflection to the lovers of liberty, that this peculiar privilege of Britain is of a kind that cannot easily be wrested from us, but must last as long as our government remains, in any degree, free and independent. It is seldom, that liberty of any kind is lost all at once. Slavery has so frightful an aspect to men accustomed to freedom, that it must steal upon them by degrees, and must disguise itself in a thousand shapes, in order to be received. But, if the liberty of the press ever be lost, it must be lost at once. The general laws against sedition and libelling are at present as strong as they possibly can be made. Nothing can impose a farther restraint, but either the clapping an Imprimatur upon the press, or the giving to the court very large discretionary powers to punish whatever displeases them. But these concessions would be such a bare-faced violation of liberty, that they will probably be the last efforts of a despotic government. We may conclude, that the liberty of Britain is gone for ever when these attempts shall succeed.

Source: Starship Troopers

1847
Journals (1838-1859)
Variant: Disobedience is the true foundation of liberty. The obedient must be slaves.

Source: Sugar Daddy

Source: The White Book

Source: Areopagitica

Source: For Whom the Bell Tolls

1760s, A Dissertation on the Canon and Feudal Law (1765)

Letter to Gilbert du Motier, marquis de Lafayette (2 April 1790)
1790s

Source: Just Listen

Source: Women

Letter to http://www.familytales.org/dbDisplay.php?id=ltr_thj1489 George Washington (4 January 1786) <br class="br">1780s <br class="br">Source: Letters of Thomas Jefferson

Source: Girl, Interrupted (1994)

Letter to Dr. James Currie (28 January 1786) Lipscomb & Bergh 18:ii
1780s

Letter to Abigail Adams (17 July 1775)
1770s
Source: Letters of John Adams, Addressed to His Wife

Source: Liberty and the news

The trial of Charles B. Reynolds for blasphemy (1887)

"Why Liberty?”, in the Chicago Tribune (30 January 1927)
1920s
Context: I believe that liberty is the only genuinely valuable thing that men have invented, at least in the field of government, in a thousand years. I believe that it is better to be free than to be not free, even when the former is dangerous and the latter safe. I believe that the finest qualities of man can flourish only in free air – that progress made under the shadow of the policeman’s club is false progress, and of no permanent value. I believe that any man who takes the liberty of another into his keeping is bound to become a tyrant, and that any man who yields up his liberty, in however slight the measure, is bound to become a slave.

Either/Or Part I, Swenson Translation p. 19 Variations include: People demand freedom of speech to make up for the freedom of thought, which they avoid. People demand freedom of speech as a compensation for the freedom of thought which they seldom use.
1840s, Either/Or (1843)

1760s, A Dissertation on the Canon and Feudal Law (1765)
Source: The Works Of John Adams, Second President Of The United States
Context: Liberty cannot be preserved without a general knowledge among the people, who have a right, from the frame of their nature, to knowledge, as their great Creator, who does nothing in vain, has given them understandings, and a desire to know; but besides this, they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefeasible, divine right to that most dreaded and envied kind of knowledge, I mean, of the characters and conduct of their rulers. Rulers are no more than attorneys, agents, and trustees, of the people; and if the cause, the interest, and trust, is insidiously betrayed, or wantonly trifled away, the people have a right to revoke the authority that they themselves have deputed, and to constitute other and better agents, attorneys and trustees.

Source: Sense and Sensibility

Letter to Archibald Stuart http://faculty.maxwell.syr.edu/skjolly/jeffersonianfederalism.pdf http://books.google.com/books?id=ZTIoAAAAYAAJ&amp;pg=PA837#v=onepage&amp;q=&amp;f=false, Philadelphia (23 December 1791) <br class="br">1790s <br class="br">Variant: I would rather be exposed to the inconveniences attending too much liberty, than those attending too small a degree of it. <br class="br">Source: Letters of Thomas Jefferson

Notes for an oration at Braintree (Spring 1772)
1770s

Source: North of Beautiful

1770s, Declaration of Independence (1776)
Context: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.—That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

Source: Sugar Daddy

The trial of Charles B. Reynolds for blasphemy (1887)
Context: It is impossible that there should be such a thing as real religion without liberty. Without liberty there can be no such thing as conscience, no such word as justice. All human actions — all good, all bad — have for a foundation the idea of human liberty, and without Liberty there can be no vice, and there can be no virtue.
Without Liberty there can be no worship, no blasphemy — no love, no hatred, no justice, no progress.
Take the word Liberty from human speech and all the other words become poor, withered, meaningless sounds — but with that word realized — with that word understood, the world becomes a paradise.
Context: Liberty is the condition of progress. Without Liberty, there remains only barbarism. Without Liberty, there can be no civilization.
If another man has not the right to think, you have not even the right to think that he thinks wrong. If every man has not the right to think, the people of New Jersey had no right to make a statute, or to adopt a constitution — no jury has the right to render a verdict, and no court to pass its sentence.
In other words, without liberty of thought, no human being has the right to form a judgment. It is impossible that there should be such a thing as real religion without liberty. Without liberty there can be no such thing as conscience, no such word as justice. All human actions — all good, all bad — have for a foundation the idea of human liberty, and without Liberty there can be no vice, and there can be no virtue.
Without Liberty there can be no worship, no blasphemy — no love, no hatred, no justice, no progress.
Take the word Liberty from human speech and all the other words become poor, withered, meaningless sounds — but with that word realized — with that word understood, the world becomes a paradise.

Source: Middlesex

Speech, Constitutional Convention (29 June 1787), from Max Farrand&#x27;s Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, Vol. I http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=llfr&amp;fileName=001/llfr001.db&amp;recNum=494&amp;itemLink=D?hlaw:5:./temp/~ammem_kmli::%230010495&amp;linkText=1 (1911), p. 465 <br class="br">1780s <br class="br">Context: In time of actual war, great discretionary powers are constantly given to the Executive Magistrate. Constant apprehension of War, has the same tendency to render the head too large for the body. A standing military force, with an overgrown Executive will not long be safe companions to liberty. The means of defence against foreign danger have been always the instruments of tyranny at home. Among the Romans it was a standing maxim to excite a war, whenever a revolt was apprehended. Throughout all Europe, the armies kept up under the pretext of defending, have enslaved the people.

Source: How to Kill a Rock Star

Source: Chainfire

1984: Spring (1984)
1980s

Speech at a County Meeting of Buckinghamshire (1784)
1780s

"Conservation" (c. 1938); Published in Round River, Luna B. Leopold (ed.), Oxford University Press, 1966, p. 155.
1930s
Source: Round River: From the Journals of Aldo Leopold

1760s, A Dissertation on the Canon and Feudal Law (1765)
Context: Be not intimidated, therefore, by any terrors, from publishing with the utmost freedom, whatever can be warranted by the laws of your country; nor suffer yourselves to be wheedled out of your liberties by any pretenses of politeness, delicacy, or decency. These, as they are often used, are but three different names for hypocrisy, chicanery, and cowardice.

Source: Abraham Lincoln: Vampire Hunter

Source: Sugar Daddy

1963, Address at Vanderbilt University
Context: The essence of Vanderbilt is still learning, the essence of its outlook is still liberty, and liberty and learning will be and must be the touchstones of Vanderbilt University and of any free university in this country or the world. I say two touchstones, yet they are almost inseparable, inseparable if not indistinguishable, for liberty without learning is always in peril, and learning without liberty is always in vain.

Source: The Conscience of a Liberal (2007), Ch. 13. The Conscience of a Liberal http://books.wwnorton.com/books/detail.aspx?ID=5887. W. W. Norton &amp; Company. 352 pages ISBN 978-0-393-06069-0, 1st edition (2007)

Source: Alone on a Wide Wide Sea

Source: Foucault's Pendulum

"The Times Newspaper"
Political Essays (1819)

Please Use Your Liberty to Promote Ours (1997)
Context: There are multinational business concerns which have no inhibitions about dealing with repressive regimes. Their justification for economic involvement in Burma is that their presence will actually assist the process of democratization. But investment that only goes to enrich an already wealthy elite bent on monopolizing both economic and political power cannot contribute toward égalité and justice — the foundation stones for a sound democracy.
I would therefore like to call upon those who have an interest in expanding their capacity for promoting intellectual freedom and humanitarian ideals to take a principled stand against companies that are doing business with the Burmese military regime. Please use your liberty to promote ours.

Letter to Edward Carrington, Paris (27 May 1788) PTJ, 13:208-9 http://www.monticello.org/site/jefferson/natural-progress-things-quotation <br class="br">1780s <br class="br">Source: Letters of Thomas Jefferson

Lift Every Voice and Sing, st. 1 (1900).

Source: The Golden Notebook

Source: The Count of Monte Cristo

Source: Leaves of Grass

Letter to his Italian friend, Philip Mazzei (1796)
1790s

1970s, Proclamation 4417 (1976)
Variant: I call upon the American people to affirm with me this American Promise -- that we have learned from the tragedy of that long-ago experience forever to treasure liberty and justice for each individual American, and resolve that this kind of action shall never again be repeated.

This Is My Own, p. 130 (1940)

1963, Address in the Assembly Hall at the Paulskirche in Frankfurt
Variant: Change is the law of life. And those who look only to the past or the present are certain to miss the future.
Documents on International Affairs, 1963, Royal Institute of International Affairs, ed. Sir John Wheeler Wheeler-Bennett, p. 36.

1860s, Oration at Ravenna, Ohio (1865)

Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790)

The Procedural Republic and the Unencumbered Self, 1984