Abraham Lincoln cytaty (663 cytatów, strona 20)

Abraham Lincoln: 663 Cytaty 15 Polubień

Abraham Lincoln słynne cytaty

To tłumaczenie czeka na recenzję. Czy to jest poprawne?

„Ludzie zazwyczaj są tak szczęśliwi, jak myślą, że są.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Kimkolwiek jesteś, bądź dobry.”

Abraham Lincoln

To tłumaczenie czeka na recenzję. Czy to jest poprawne?

„Gdybym miał inną twarz, myślisz, że zatrzymałbym tę?”

Abraham Lincoln

„Moim problemem nie jest, czy Bóg jest po naszej stronie. Moim największym zmartwieniem jest, czy my jesteśmy po stronie Boga. Bo Bóg ma zawsze rację!”

Abraham Lincoln

My concern is not whether God is on our side. My great concern is to be on God’s side. For God is always right! (ang.)
Źródło: Michael Ozga, Progressive Dystopia

„Takt to umiejętność takiego przedstawiania ludzi, jakimi sami najchętniej siebie widzą.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Jeśli złapałeś słonia za tylną nogę, a on próbuje się wyrwać, lepiej mu na to pozwolić.”

Abraham Lincoln

Abraham Lincoln Cytaty o ludziach

„Większość ludzi ma tyle szczęścia, na ile sobie pozwoli.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Nie chciałbym pozostawiać już jakichkolwiek wątpliwości. (…) Moim najważniejszym celem w tej walce jest utrzymanie jedności Unii, nie zaś zachowanie czy likwidacja niewolnictwa. Gdybym mógł utrzymać jedność Unii, nie uwalniając żadnych niewolników, zrobiłbym to; gdybym mógł ją utrzymać, uwalniając wszystkich niewolników, uczyniłbym to bez wahania; gdybym mógł to zrobić uwalniając część z nich, a zostawiając w niewoli innych, tak właśnie bym postąpił. Wszystko, co robię odnośnie do niewolnictwa i ludności kolorowej, robię, aby zachować Unię, a jeśli z czegoś rezygnuję, czynię to, bo nie wierzę, że pomoże to zachować Unię. (…) Wyłożyłem tu swój cel zgodnie z tym, jak postrzegam swoje urzędowe obowiązki, i nie mam zamiaru naginać ich do mojego osobistego, często wyrażanego życzenia, aby wszyscy ludzie – i wszędzie – byli wolni.”

Abraham Lincoln

fragment listu z sierpnia 1862 do Horace’ego Greeleya, redaktora gazety „New-York Tribune”.
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 253.

„Lat temu osiemdziesiąt i siedem ojcowie nasi na tym kontynencie dali początek narodowi, poczętemu z wolności i w przekonaniu, że wszyscy ludzie rodzą się równymi. Toczymy wielką wojnę domową, która jest dla nas czasem próby, której celem jest odpowiedź na pytanie, czy naród w takim duchu poczęty ma szanse na przetrwanie. Przyszło nam spotkać się na wielkim polu bitewnym tej wojny. Przybyliśmy tu, aby poświęcić część tego pola na miejsce ostatniego spoczynku ludzi, którzy oddali tu życie za życie naszego narodu w poczuciu wolności. I oni, i my znaleźliśmy się tu w słusznej sprawie, ale to naszą powinnością jest oddanie czci jej obrońcom. Jednak nie nam przypada splendor poświęcenia, dokonania konsekracji, potwierdzenia sacrum tej ziemi. To dzielni ludzie, żywi i polegli, którzy tu walczyli, uświęcili ja bardziej, niż może to uczynić nasza nędzna władza dawania i odbierania. Świat puści mimo uszu wypowiadane tu słowa i szybko pogrąży je w niepamięci, lecz nigdy nie zapomni czynu tych, którzy tu przelewali krew. Do nas, którym było dane przeżyć, należy święty obowiązek oddania swych sił ogromnemu, lecz jeszcze niedokończonemu dziełu, za które oni oddali swoje życie. To nam, ożywionym duchem poległych bohaterów, przypadło zadanie poświadczenia, że ich śmierć nie był daremna. I to my, z Boga pomocą, doczekamy odrodzenia idei wolności w tym kraju i to my sprawimy, że rządy ludu, przez lud i dla ludu nie znikną wraz z nami z powierzchni ziemi.”

Abraham Lincoln

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle – field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow, this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us – that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion – that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain – that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom – and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. (ang.)
Adres gettysburski – przemówienie podczas uroczystości na cmentarzu poległych po Gettysburgiem żołnierzy Unii, 19 listopada 1863.

„Można oszukiwać wszystkich (ludzi) przez pewien czas, a część ludzi przez cały czas, ale nie da się oszukiwać wszystkich przez cały czas.”

Abraham Lincoln

You can fool all the people some of the time, and some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time. (ang.)
Źródło: Alexander McClure, Lincoln's Own Yarns and Stories, 1901.

„Porzućmy wszelkie spory o tego czy tamtego człowieka, o tę czy tamtą rasę, o to, która z nich jest niższa, a zatem i o to, która musi znajdować się na pośledniej pozycji. Porzućmy to wszystko i zjednoczmy się w jeden lud na całej ziemi, aż wreszcie kiedyś powstaniemy razem, oświadczając, że wszyscy ludzie są równi.”

Abraham Lincoln

debata wyborcza ze Stephanem Douglasem w lipcu 1858 w Chicago (na północy stanu Illinois).
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 250.

„Ludzie są na tyle szczęśliwi, na ile sobie pozwolą.”

Abraham Lincoln

Abraham Lincoln cytaty

„Idę wolno, ale nie cofam się nigdy.”

Abraham Lincoln

I am a slow walker, but I never walk backwards. (ang.)

„Nie ma honorowej drogi do zabijania, nie ma szlachetności w niszczeniu.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Każda praca jest możliwa do wykonania jeśli podzielić ją na małe odcinki.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Nie ma nic dobrego w wojnie. Z wyjątkiem jej końca.”

Abraham Lincoln

O wojnie

„Ogłaszamy, że począwszy od 1 stycznia 1863 roku wszystkie osoby uznawane za niewolników w dowolnym stanie lub terytorium, które ma uzyskać status stanu, a które będą buntować się przeciwko Stanom Zjednoczonym, staną się odtąd na zawsze wolne (…).”

Abraham Lincoln

Źródło: Proklamacja emancypacji

„Demagogia – to umiejętność ubierania najbardziej lichych idei w najwznioślejsze słowa.”

Abraham Lincoln

Źródło: Leksykon złotych myśli, wyboru dokonał Krzysztof Nowak, Warszawa 1998.

O myślach , O myśleniu

„Demokracja: rząd narodu poprzez naród i dla narodu.”

Abraham Lincoln

O demokracji

„Samotni mężczyźni szukają towarzystwa. Samotne kobiety siedzą w domu i czekają. Nigdy się nie spotkają.”

Abraham Lincoln

O kobietach , O mężczyznach , O domu , O czekaniu

„Polityk odpowiedzialny jest za statek, a nie za fale.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Kobieta to jedyna istota, której się boję, wiedząc, że mnie nie zrani.”

Abraham Lincoln

O kobietach

„Jeżeli występuje konflikt pomiędzy prawami człowieka i prawami własności, prawa człowieka muszą zwyciężyć.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Po czterdziestce każdy jest już odpowiedzialny za wygląd swojej twarzy.”

Abraham Lincoln

O wyglądzie

„Gdybym próbował czytać wszystkie słowa krytyki skierowane przeciwko mnie – mógłbym równie dobrze zamknąć swoje biuro i wziąć się za coś innego. Robię to, co według mnie najlepsze, najlepiej jak potrafię. I mam zamiar robić tak do końca. I jeśli przy końcu okaże się, że mam rację, wszystko, co o mnie powiedziano, przestanie się liczyć. A jeśli koniec pokaże, że się myliłem, nie zmieni tego nawet 10 aniołów, które będą przysięgać, że miałem rację.”

Abraham Lincoln

O aniołach , O czytaniu

„Nikt nie ma dostatecznie dobrej pamięci, aby kłamać zawsze z powodzeniem.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Żaden człowiek nie jest dostatecznie dobry, żeby rządzić drugim człowiekiem bez jego zgody.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Latarnie morskie są znacznie pożyteczniejsze od kościołów.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Nie jest moim celem wywieranie, ani bezpośrednio, ani pośrednio, wpływu na instytucję niewolnictwa w stanach, w których ona istnieje. Jestem przekonany, że nie mam ku temu uprawnień. Co więcej, nie mam też ku temu skłonności.”

Abraham Lincoln

pierwsze orędzie prezydenckie wygłoszone w marcu 1861.
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 251.

O historii

„Świat nigdy nie znalazł dobrej definicji dla słowa wolność.”

Abraham Lincoln

O świecie , O wolności

„Nie wiem, kim był mój dziadek; bardziej interesuje mnie, kim będzie mój wnuk.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Nie żywiąc urazy do nikogo, lecz miłość do każdego bliźniego, (…) nie ustawajmy w dążeniu do ukończenia dzieła, którego dokonujemy. Dzieła opatrzenia ran narodu.”

Abraham Lincoln

drugie przemówienie inauguracyjne (4 marca 1865)
Źródło: Rosemary Burton, Richard Cavendish, Cuda świata: Przewodnik po skarbach cywilizacji.

O miłości

„Istnieje naturalna odraza w umysłach niemal wszystkich białych do przemieszania rasy białej z czarną…”

Abraham Lincoln

Źródło: cyt. za Leon Korusiewicz, Wojna secesyjna 1860–1865, wyd. PWN, 1985, s. 67.

O wojnie

„Zakres szczęścia człowieka zależy od niego samego.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Nie pomaga się ludziom, robiąc za nich to, co sami mają zrobić.”

Abraham Lincoln

Źródło: Przykazania etyki prawniczej: księga myśli, norm i rycin, oprac. Roman Tokarczyk, wyd. Wolters Kluwer Polska, s. 31.

O myślach , O myśleniu

„Nie należy zmieniać koni, gdy przejeżdża się przez bród.”

Abraham Lincoln

Koń

„Zwykli ludzie są najlepsi na świecie: oto powód, dlaczego Bóg uczynił ich tak wielu.”

Abraham Lincoln

O Bogu , O ludziach

„Z tym niepomiernym ciężarem, jaki dźwigam dniem i nocą umarłbym chyba, gdyby co dzień nie dano mi okazji się pośmiać.”

Abraham Lincoln

„To piękne, gdy człowiek może być dumny ze swojego miasta, lecz jeszcze piękniej, gdy miasto może być z niego dumne.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Pan Bóg najwidoczniej bardziej od bogatych ukochał sobie biednych, skoro stworzył ich tak wielu.”

Abraham Lincoln

O Bogu

„Powiem więc, że nie jestem ani nigdy nie byłem zwolennikiem wprowadzenia jakkolwiek rozumianej równości społecznej i politycznej białej i czarnej rasy [oklaski]; nie jestem ani nigdy nie byłem zwolennikiem tego, by czarni uzyskali prawa wyborcze, zostawali sędziami, urzędnikami czy też zawierali związki małżeńskie z białymi (…)
A ponieważ nie wolno im tak żyć, gdy dwie rasy pozostają razem, jedna z nich musi być wyższa, a druga niższa; ja zaś, podobnie jak wszyscy, zgadzam się z tym, że owa nadrzędna pozycja przeznaczona jest dla rasy białej.”

Abraham Lincoln

debata wyborcza ze Stephanem Douglasem we wrześniu 1858 w Charleston (na południu stanu Illinois).
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 250.

O historii

„Rząd musi troszczyć się o to dla swojego ludu, co stanowi ich potrzebę, a czego w ogóle nie są w stanie sami zrobić lub czego pozostawieni samym sobie nie są w stanie zrobić dobrze. We wszystkim jednak, co jednostki są w stanie zrobić same, rząd do tego nie może się mieszać.”

Abraham Lincoln

Źródło: Franciszek Kampka, Etyka polityki: między wolnością a solidarnością, Wyd. SGGW, Warszawa 2017, s. 41.

O ludziach

„Ilekroć słyszę kogoś opowiadającego się za niewolnictwem, mam wielką ochotę wypróbować to na nim osobiście.”

Abraham Lincoln

Whenever I hear anyone arguing for slavery I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him personally. (ang.)
Źródło: cyt. za Marek Gołębiowski, Leksykon kultury amerykańskiej, wyd. Twój Styl, Warszawa 1996, s. 109.

To tłumaczenie czeka na recenzję. Czy to jest poprawne?

„Ilekroć słyszę, jak ktoś opowiada się za niewolnictwem, odczuwam silny impuls, by wypróbowano je na nim.”

Abraham Lincoln

To tłumaczenie czeka na recenzję. Czy to jest poprawne?

„Chodzę powoli, ale nigdy wstecz.”

Abraham Lincoln

Abraham Lincoln: Cytaty po angielsku

“Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to them in and by the National Constitution; but among these surely are not included all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive, but at most such only as were known in the world at the time as governmental powers; and certainly a power to destroy the Government itself had never been known as a governmental — as a merely administrative power. This relative matter of national power and State rights, as a principle, is no other than the principle of generality and locality. Whatever concerns the whole should be confided to the whole — to the General Government — while whatever concerns only the State should be left exclusively to the State. This is all there is of original principle about it. Whether the National Constitution in defining boundaries between the two has applied the principle with exact accuracy is not to be questioned. We are all bound by that defining without question.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Fourth of July Address to Congress (1861)

“In a certain sense the liberation of slaves is the destruction of property — property acquired by descent or by purchase, the same as any other property.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Second State of the Union address (1862)

“One-sixth, and a little more, of the population of the United States are slaves, looked upon as property, as nothing but property. The cash value of these slaves, at a moderate estimate, is $2,000,000,000. This amount of property value has a vast influence on the minds of its owners, very naturally. The same amount of property would have an equal influence upon us if owned in the north. Human nature is the same, people at the south are the same as those at the north, barring the difference in circumstances. Public opinion is founded, to a great extent, on a property basis. What lessons the value of property is opposed, what enhances its value is favored. Public opinion at the south regards slaves as property and insists upon treating them like other property.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Speech at Hartford (1860)

“It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter was in no sense a matter of self-defense on the part of the assailants. They well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility commit aggression upon them. They knew-they were expressly notified-that the giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of the garrison was all which would on that occasion be attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more. They knew that this Government desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but merely to maintain visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and immediate dissolution, trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot box for final adjustment; and they assailed and reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object — to drive out the visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolution. That this was their object the Executive well understood; and having said to them in the inaugural address, "You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," he took pains not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of ingenious sophistry as that the world should not be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the Government began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return their fire, save only the few in the fort, sent to that harbor years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced upon the country the distinct issue, "Immediate dissolution or blood."”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Fourth of July Address to Congress (1861)

“I propose now closing up by requesting you play a certain piece of music or a tune. I thought "Dixie" one of the best tunes I ever heard… I had heard our adversaries over the way had attempted to appropriate it. I insisted yesterday that we had fairly captured it… I presented the question to the Attorney-General, and he gave his opinion that it is our lawful prize… I ask the Band to give us a good turn upon it.”

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Abraham Lincoln

At the end of the Civil War, asking that a military band play "Dixie" (10 April 1865) as quoted in Dan Emmett and the Rise of Early Negro Minstrelsy (1962) by Hans Nathan. Variant account: "I have always thought "Dixie" one of the best tunes I have ever heard. Our adversaries over the way attempted to appropriate it, but I insisted yesterday that we fairly captured it... I now request the band to favor me with its performance".
1860s

“Again I admonish you not to be turned from your stern purpose of defending your beloved country and its free institutions by any arguments urged by ambitious and designing men, but stand fast to the Union and the old flag. Soldiers, I bid you God-speed to your homes.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Speeches to Ohio Regiments (1864), Speech to One Hundred Forty-eighth Ohio Regiment (1864)

“An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property in a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Cooper Union speech (1860)

“Accounts of outrages committed by mobs form the every-day news of the times. They have pervaded the country from New England to Louisiana, they are neither peculiar to the eternal snows of the former nor the burning suns of the latter; they are not the creature of climate, neither are they confined to the slaveholding or the non-slaveholding States. Alike they spring up among the pleasure-hunting masters of Southern slaves, and the order-loving citizens of the land of steady habits. Whatever then their cause may be, it is common to the whole country. […] Such are the effects of mob law, and such are the scenes becoming more and more frequent in this land so lately famed for love of law and order, and the stories of which have even now grown too familiar to attract anything more than an idle remark. But you are perhaps ready to ask, "What has this to do with the perpetuation of our political institutions?" I answer, "It has much to do with it."”

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Abraham Lincoln

Its direct consequences are, comparatively speaking, but a small evil, and much of its danger consists in the proneness of our minds to regard its direct as its only consequences.
1830s, The Lyceum Address (1838)

“Without slavery the rebellion could never have existed; without slavery it could not continue.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Second State of the Union address (1862)

“In the course of my main argument, Judge Douglas interrupted me to say, that the principle the Nebraska bill was very old; that it originated when God made man and placed good and evil before him, allowing him to choose for himself, being responsible for the choice he should make. At the time I thought this was merely playful; and I answered it accordingly. But in his reply to me he renewed it, as a serious argument. In seriousness then, the facts of this proposition are not true as stated. God did not place good and evil before man, telling him to make his choice. On the contrary, he did tell him there was one tree, of the fruit of which, he should not eat, upon pain of certain death.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1850s, Speech at Peoria, Illinois (1854)

“Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future time. It will then have been proved that, among free men, there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet; and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case, and pay the cost. And then, there will be some black men who can remember that, with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great consummation; while, I fear, there will be some white ones, unable to forget that, with malignant heart, and deceitful speech, they have strove to hinder it.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Letter to James C. Conkling (1863)

“Some of you will be successful, and such will need but little philosophy to take them home in cheerful spirits; others will be disappointed, and will be in a less happy mood. To such, let it be said, “Lay it not too much to heart.” Let them adopt the maxim, “Better luck next time”; and then, by renewed exertion, make that better luck for themselves.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1850s, Address before the Wisconsin State Agricultural Society (1859)

“We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows we do know how to save it. We, even we here, hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free — honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just — a way which if followed the world will forever applaud and God must forever bless.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Second State of the Union address (1862)

“I have heard that in consequence of this 'sectional warfare', as Douglas calls it, Senator Mason of Va., had appeared in a suit of homespun. Now up in New Hampshire, the woolen and cotton mills are all busy, and there is no strike. They are busy making the very goods Senator Mason has quit buying! To carry out his idea, he ought to go barefoot! If that's the plan, they should begin at the foundation, and adopt the well-known 'Georgia costume' of a shirt-collar and pair of spurs!”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Speech at Hartford (1860)

“These capitalists generally act harmoniously and in concert to fleece the people, and now that they have got into a quarrel with themselves, we are called upon to appropriate the people's money to settle the quarrel.”

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Abraham Lincoln

Speech to Illinois legislature (January 1837); This is "Lincoln's First Reported Speech", found in the Sangamo Journal (28 January 1837) according to McClure's Magazine (March 1896); also in Lincoln's Complete Works (1905) ed. by Nicolay and Hay, Vol. 1, p. 24
1830s

“When men take it in their heads to-day, to hang gamblers, or burn murderers, they should recollect, that, in the confusion usually attending such transactions, they will be as likely to hang or burn some one who is neither a gambler nor a murderer as one who is; and that, acting upon the example they set, the mob of to-morrow, may, and probably will, hang or burn some of them by the very same mistake. And not only so; the innocent, those who have ever set their faces against violations of law in every shape, alike with the guilty, fall victims to the ravages of mob law; and thus it goes on, step by step, till all the walls erected for the defense of the persons and property of individuals, are trodden down, and disregarded.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1830s, The Lyceum Address (1838)

“When, early in the war, Gen. Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When a little later, Gen. Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, Gen. Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March, and May, and July 1862 I made earnest, and successive appeals to the border states to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation, and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it, the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this, I was not entirely confident. More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations, none in our home popular sentiment, none in our white military force, — no loss by it any how or any where. On the contrary, it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen, and laborers. These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no cavilling. We have the men; and we could not have had them without the measure.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, "If Slavery Is Not Wrong, Nothing Is Wrong" (1864)

“I am mighty near one.”

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Abraham Lincoln

When asked if he was an abolitionist (1837) https://books.google.com/books?id=oERgfRqL2vUC&pg=PA124&dq=mighty
1830s

“Dear Sir: Yours of the tenth received. I am well acquainted with Mr. __, and know his characteristics. First of all, he has a wife and baby; together they ought to be worth $50,000 to any man. Then he has an office, in which there will be a table worth $1.50, and three chairs worth, say, $1. Last of all, there is in one corner a rat-hole which will bear looking into.”

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Abraham Lincoln

Attributed at an unspecified date when Lincoln was a young lawyer, apparently first reported in the Prairie Farmer (March 13, 1886), Volume 58, p. 176. The quote, taken as a whole, has been explained to mean that Lincoln was giving a negative character reference, implying that the subject of that reference was not financially stable, and prone to let details slip.
Posthumous attributions

“There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: You desire peace; and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we attain it? There are but three conceivable ways. First, to suppress the rebellion by force of arms. This, I am trying to do. Are you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, a second way is, to give up the Union. I am against this. Are you for it? If you are, you should say so plainly. If you are not for force, nor yet for dissolution, there only remains some imaginable compromise.”

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Abraham Lincoln

I do not believe any compromise, embracing the maintenance of the Union, is now possible. All I learn, leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the rebellion, is its military — its army. That army dominates all the country, and all the people, within its range. Any offer of terms made by any man or men within that range, in opposition to that army, is simply nothing for the present; because such man or men, have no power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made with them.
1860s, Letter to James C. Conkling (1863)

“I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored; the nearer the Union will be ``the Union as it was.´´ If there be those who would not save the Union, unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Letter to Horace Greeley (1862)

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Abraham Lincoln

They knew that this Government desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but merely to maintain visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and immediate dissolution, trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot box for final adjustment; and they assailed and reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object — to drive out the visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolution. That this was their object the Executive well understood; and having said to them in the inaugural address, "You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," he took pains not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of ingenious sophistry as that the world should not be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the Government began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return their fire, save only the few in the fort, sent to that harbor years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced upon the country the distinct issue, "Immediate dissolution or blood."
1860s, Fourth of July Address to Congress (1861)

“A house divided against itself cannot stand.”

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Abraham Lincoln

I believe this government cannot endure, permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other.
In this famous statement, Lincoln is quoting the response of Jesus Christ to those who accused him of being able to cast out devils because he was empowered by the Prince of devils, recorded in Matthew 12:25: "And Jesus knew their thoughts, and said unto them, Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation; and every city or house divided against itself shall not stand".
1850s, The House Divided speech (1858)

“Passion has helped us; but can do so no more. It will in future be our enemy. Reason, cold, calculating, unimpassioned reason, must furnish all the materials for our future support and defence.”

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Abraham Lincoln

Let those materials be moulded into general intelligence, sound morality, and in particular, a reverence for the constitution and laws: and, that we improved to the last; that we remained free to the last; that we revered his name to the last; that, during his long sleep, we permitted no hostile foot to pass over or desecrate his resting place; shall be that which to learn the last trump shall awaken our WASHINGTON.
Upon these let the proud fabric of freedom rest, as the rock of its basis; and as truly as has been said of the only greater institution, "the gates of hell shall not prevail against it".
1830s, The Lyceum Address (1838)

“But all this even, is not the full extent of the evil. — By such examples, by instances of the perpetrators of such acts going unpunished, the lawless in spirit, are encouraged to become lawless in practice; and having been used to no restraint, but dread of punishment, they thus become, absolutely unrestrained.”

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Abraham Lincoln

Having ever regarded Government as their deadliest bane, they make a jubilee of the suspension of its operations; and pray for nothing so much, as its total annihilation. While, on the other hand, good men, men who love tranquillity, who desire to abide by the laws and enjoy their benefits, who would gladly spill their blood in the defense of their country, seeing their property destroyed, their families insulted, and their lives endangered, their persons injured, and seeing nothing in prospect that forebodes a change for the better, become tired of and disgusted with a government that offers them no protection, and are not much averse to a change in which they imagine they have nothing to lose. Thus, then, by the operation of this mobocratic spirit which all must admit is now abroad in the land, the strongest bulwark of any government, and particularly of those constituted like ours, may effectually be broken down and destroyed — I mean the attachment of the people.
1830s, The Lyceum Address (1838)

“I have now come to the conclusion never again to think of marrying, and for this reason; I can never be satisfied with anyone who would be blockhead enough to have me.”

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Abraham Lincoln

Letter to Mrs. Orville H. Browning (1 April 1838) http://quod.lib.umich.edu/l/lincoln/lincoln1/1:134?rgn=div1;view=fulltext, Collected Works, vol. 1. p. 119
1830s