Abraham Lincoln cytaty
strona 19

Abraham Lincoln – amerykański polityk, szesnasty prezydent Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki, uczestnik wojny Czarnego Jastrzębia. Zasiadał przez dwa lata jako przedstawiciel Partii Wigów w Izbie Reprezentantów. W 1860 roku z sukcesem ubiegał się o nominację Partii Republikańskiej na urząd Prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych. W głosowaniu powszechnym zwyciężył i piastowanie urzędu rozpoczął 4 marca 1861 roku. Trzy lata później ponownie został kandydatem partii na urząd prezydenta i został wybrany na drugą kadencję. Jego życie i prezydentura zakończyła się 15 kwietnia 1865 roku śmiercią w wyniku zamachu dokonanego przez Johna Wilkesa Bootha. Wikipedia  

✵ 12. Luty 1809 – 15. Kwiecień 1865   •   Natępne imiona Abramo Lincoln
Abraham Lincoln Fotografia
Abraham Lincoln: 663   Cytaty 15   Polubień

Abraham Lincoln słynne cytaty

„Moim problemem nie jest, czy Bóg jest po naszej stronie. Moim największym zmartwieniem jest, czy my jesteśmy po stronie Boga. Bo Bóg ma zawsze rację!”

My concern is not whether God is on our side. My great concern is to be on God’s side. For God is always right! (ang.)
Źródło: Michael Ozga, Progressive Dystopia

Abraham Lincoln Cytaty o ludziach

„Lat temu osiemdziesiąt i siedem ojcowie nasi na tym kontynencie dali początek narodowi, poczętemu z wolności i w przekonaniu, że wszyscy ludzie rodzą się równymi. Toczymy wielką wojnę domową, która jest dla nas czasem próby, której celem jest odpowiedź na pytanie, czy naród w takim duchu poczęty ma szanse na przetrwanie. Przyszło nam spotkać się na wielkim polu bitewnym tej wojny. Przybyliśmy tu, aby poświęcić część tego pola na miejsce ostatniego spoczynku ludzi, którzy oddali tu życie za życie naszego narodu w poczuciu wolności. I oni, i my znaleźliśmy się tu w słusznej sprawie, ale to naszą powinnością jest oddanie czci jej obrońcom. Jednak nie nam przypada splendor poświęcenia, dokonania konsekracji, potwierdzenia sacrum tej ziemi. To dzielni ludzie, żywi i polegli, którzy tu walczyli, uświęcili ja bardziej, niż może to uczynić nasza nędzna władza dawania i odbierania. Świat puści mimo uszu wypowiadane tu słowa i szybko pogrąży je w niepamięci, lecz nigdy nie zapomni czynu tych, którzy tu przelewali krew. Do nas, którym było dane przeżyć, należy święty obowiązek oddania swych sił ogromnemu, lecz jeszcze niedokończonemu dziełu, za które oni oddali swoje życie. To nam, ożywionym duchem poległych bohaterów, przypadło zadanie poświadczenia, że ich śmierć nie był daremna. I to my, z Boga pomocą, doczekamy odrodzenia idei wolności w tym kraju i to my sprawimy, że rządy ludu, przez lud i dla ludu nie znikną wraz z nami z powierzchni ziemi.”

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle – field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow, this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us – that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion – that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain – that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom – and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. (ang.)
Adres gettysburski – przemówienie podczas uroczystości na cmentarzu poległych po Gettysburgiem żołnierzy Unii, 19 listopada 1863.

„Można oszukiwać wszystkich (ludzi) przez pewien czas, a część ludzi przez cały czas, ale nie da się oszukiwać wszystkich przez cały czas.”

You can fool all the people some of the time, and some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time. (ang.)
Źródło: Alexander McClure, Lincoln's Own Yarns and Stories, 1901.

„Porzućmy wszelkie spory o tego czy tamtego człowieka, o tę czy tamtą rasę, o to, która z nich jest niższa, a zatem i o to, która musi znajdować się na pośledniej pozycji. Porzućmy to wszystko i zjednoczmy się w jeden lud na całej ziemi, aż wreszcie kiedyś powstaniemy razem, oświadczając, że wszyscy ludzie są równi.”

debata wyborcza ze Stephanem Douglasem w lipcu 1858 w Chicago (na północy stanu Illinois).
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 250.

Abraham Lincoln cytaty

„Idę wolno, ale nie cofam się nigdy.”

I am a slow walker, but I never walk backwards. (ang.)

„Demagogia – to umiejętność ubierania najbardziej lichych idei w najwznioślejsze słowa.”

Źródło: Leksykon złotych myśli, wyboru dokonał Krzysztof Nowak, Warszawa 1998.

„Nie jest moim celem wywieranie, ani bezpośrednio, ani pośrednio, wpływu na instytucję niewolnictwa w stanach, w których ona istnieje. Jestem przekonany, że nie mam ku temu uprawnień. Co więcej, nie mam też ku temu skłonności.”

pierwsze orędzie prezydenckie wygłoszone w marcu 1861.
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 251.

„Nie żywiąc urazy do nikogo, lecz miłość do każdego bliźniego, (…) nie ustawajmy w dążeniu do ukończenia dzieła, którego dokonujemy. Dzieła opatrzenia ran narodu.”

drugie przemówienie inauguracyjne (4 marca 1865)
Źródło: Rosemary Burton, Richard Cavendish, Cuda świata: Przewodnik po skarbach cywilizacji.

„Istnieje naturalna odraza w umysłach niemal wszystkich białych do przemieszania rasy białej z czarną…”

Źródło: cyt. za Leon Korusiewicz, Wojna secesyjna 1860–1865, wyd. PWN, 1985, s. 67.

„Nie pomaga się ludziom, robiąc za nich to, co sami mają zrobić.”

Źródło: Przykazania etyki prawniczej: księga myśli, norm i rycin, oprac. Roman Tokarczyk, wyd. Wolters Kluwer Polska, s. 31.

„Ilekroć słyszę kogoś opowiadającego się za niewolnictwem, mam wielką ochotę wypróbować to na nim osobiście.”

Whenever I hear anyone arguing for slavery I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him personally. (ang.)
Źródło: cyt. za Marek Gołębiowski, Leksykon kultury amerykańskiej, wyd. Twój Styl, Warszawa 1996, s. 109.

To tłumaczenie czeka na recenzję. Czy to jest poprawne?
To tłumaczenie czeka na recenzję. Czy to jest poprawne?

Abraham Lincoln: Cytaty po angielsku

“The man who stands by and says nothing, when the peril of his government is discussed, can not be misunderstood. If not hindered, he is sure to help the enemy.”

to Erastus Corning and Others https://quod.lib.umich.edu/l/lincoln/lincoln6/1:569?rgn=div1;view=fulltextLetter (12 June 1863) in "The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, vol.6" (The Abraham Lincoln Association, 1953), p. 265
1860s

“If I should do so now it occurs that he places himself somewhat upon the ground of the parable of the lost sheep which went astray upon the mountains, and when the owner of the hundred sheep found the one that was lost and threw it upon his shoulders, and came home rejoicing, it was said that there was more rejoicing over the one sheep that was lost and had been found than over the ninety and nine in the fold. The application is made by the Saviour in this parable thus: Verily I say unto you, there is more rejoicing in heaven over one sinner that repenteth than over ninety and nine just persons that need no repentance.”

Repentance before forgiveness is a provision of the Christian system, and on that condition alone will the Republicans grant his forgiveness.
Regarding his debate with Judge S. A. Douglas, in his Springfield address (17 July 1858), published in The Life, Speeches, and Public Services of Abraham Lincoln: Together with a Sketch of the Life of Hannibal Hamlin: Republican candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States (1860), p. 50
Lincoln was alluding to the words of Jesus in Luke 15:7 http://www.biblegateway.com/verse/en/Luke%2015%3A7
1850s

“The people will save their government, if the government itself will allow them.”

This quote is incorrectly quoted from Lincoln's Address to Congress on July 4, 1861 http://millercenter.org/president/speeches/detail/3508, in which Lincoln outlined the events that had led to the American Civil War and his views on the nature of the rebellion by the southern slave states. To suppress the rebellion Lincoln said that Congress must "give the legal means for making this contest a short and a decisive one; that you place at the control of the Government for the work at least 400,000 men and $400,000,000." And Lincoln remarked further: "A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten times the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from the country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is abundant, and that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal sanction and the hand of the Executive to give it practical shape and efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of the Government is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide for them. In a word, the people will save their Government if the Government itself will do its part only indifferently well".
Disputed

“As a result of the war, corporations have been enthroned and an era of corruption in high places will follow, and the money power of the country will endeavor to prolong its reign by working upon the prejudices of the people until all wealth is destroyed. I feel at the moment more anxiety for the safety of my country than ever before, even in the midst of the war. God grant that my suspicions should prove groundless.”

Purportedly in a letter to Colonel William F. Elkins (21 November 1864) http://www.ratical.org/corporations/Lincoln.html after the passage of the National Bank Act (3 June 1864), these remarks were attributed to Lincoln as early as 1887 but were denounced by John Nicolay, Lincoln's private secretary and biographer. Knights of Labor, "What Will The Future Bring," Journal of United Labor, Vol 8, no. 20, Nov. 19, 1887, pg. 2. Nicolay: "This alleged quotation from Mr. Lincoln is a bald, unblushing forgery. The great President never said it or wrote it, and never said or wrote anything that by the utmost license could be distorted to resemble it." "A Popocratic Forgery" in The New York Times (3 October 1898), p. 1 http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9C0DEFDE133BEE33A25750C0A9669D94679ED7CF [moneypowers]The money powers prey upon the nation in times of peace and conspire against it in times of diversity. It is more despotic then monarchy. More insolent than autocracy. More selfish then bureaucracy. I see the near future a crisis approaching that unnerves me and causes me to tremble for the safety of my country. Corporations have been enthroned. An era of corruption will follow and the money power of the country, will endeavor to prolong it's reign by working upon the prejudices of the people. Until the wealth is aggregated in a few hands and the Republic is destroyed. A variant cited to The Lincoln Encyclopedia (1950) by Archer H. Shaw, p. 40, a collection of Lincoln quotations or attributions which has been criticized for including dubious material and known forgeries. I see in the near future a crisis approaching that unnerves me and causes me to tremble for the safety of my country... corporations have been enthroned and an era of corruption in high places will follow, and the money power of the country will endeavor to prolong its reign by working upon the prejudices of the people until all wealth is aggregated in a few hands and the Republic is destroyed. I feel at this moment more anxiety for the safety of my country than ever before, even in the midst of war. An additional last line is included in David McGowan's Derailing Democracy: The America The Media Don't Want You To See, p.33. The money power preys upon the nation in times of peace and conspires against it in times of adversity. It is more despotic than a monarchy, more insolent than autocracy, more selfish than bureaucracy. It denounces, as public enemies, all who question its methods or throw light upon its crimes. A corruption of remarks by William Jennings Bryan at Madison Square Garden (30 August 1906)
Ref: en.wikiquote.org - Abraham Lincoln / Misattributed
Disputed

“They will never shoulder a musket again in anger, and if Grant is wise, he will leave them their guns to shoot crows with and their horses to plow with. It would do no harm.”

Regarding the treatment of former Confederate soldiers. In Richmond, Virginia (April 4, 1865), as quoted in Incidents and Anecdotes of the Civil War https://archive.org/download/incidentsanecdot00port/incidentsanecdot00port.pdf (1885), by David Dixon Porter, p. 312
1860s, Tour of Richmond (1865)

“Well, I cannot run the political machine; I have enough on my hands without that. It is the people's business, - the election is in their hands. If they turn their backs to the fire, and get scorched in the rear, they'll find they have got to ’sit ’ on the ’blister’!”

Attributed by Francis Bicknell Carpenter, reporting what a "friend, the private secretary of a cabinet minister", told him about a conversation with Lincoln, whom the friend had met alone in the White House in August 1864. Six Months at the White House with Abraham Lincoln. The Story of a Picture. New York 1866, p. 275 https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=Ny0OAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA275&dq=blister
Posthumous attributions

“Now, I say to you, my fellow-citizens, that in my opinion the signers of the Declaration had no reference to the negro whatever when they declared all men to be created equal. They desired to express by that phrase, white men, men of European birth and European descent, and had no reference either to the negro, the savage Indians, the Fejee, the Malay, or any other inferior and degraded race, when they spoke of the equality of men. One great evidence that such was their understanding, is to be found in the fact that at that time every one of the thirteen colonies was a slaveholding colony, every signer of the Declaration represented a slave-holding constituency, and we know that no one of them emancipated his slaves, much less offered citizenship to them when they signed the Declaration, and yet, if they had intended to declare that the negro was the equal of the white man, and entitled by divine right to an equality with him, they were bound, as honest men, that day and hour to have put their negroes on an equality with themselves.”

Attributed at a few sites to a debate in Peoria, Illinois with Stephen Douglas on 16 October 1858. No historical record of such a debate actually exists, though there was a famous set of speeches by both in Peoria on 16 October 1854, but transcripts of Lincoln's speech http://www.hti.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=lincoln;cc=lincoln;type=simple;rgn=div1;q1=cleaver;view=text;subview=detail;sort=occur;idno=lincoln2;node=lincoln2%3A282 on that date do not indicate that he made such a statement. It in fact comes from a speech made by Douglas in the third debate http://www.hti.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=lincoln;cc=lincoln;type=simple;rgn=div1;q1=fejee;view=text;subview=detail;sort=occur;idno=lincoln3;node=lincoln3%3A17 against Lincoln at Jonesboro, Illinois on 15 September 1858.
Misattributed

“The only person who is a worse liar than a faith healer is his patient.”

Quoted in Victor J. Stenger (1990), Physics and Psychics
Misattributed

“I cannot bring myself to believe that any human being lives who would do me any harm.”

Remark to Gen. Edward H. Ripley (5 April 1865), recalled during Ripley's speech http://books.google.com/books?id=1OoSAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA353&dq=believe at the 41st annual meeting of the Reunion Society of Vermont Officers (1 November 1904)
Posthumous attributions

“Sir; You are directed to have a transport.. sent to the colored colony of San Domingo to bring back to this country such of the colonists there as desire to return.”

Orders to the Secretary of War https://books.google.com/books?id=uEc_cG58dZQC&pg=PA19 (1 February 1864)
1860s

“Beware of rashness, but with energy and sleepless vigilance go forward and give us victories.”

Letter to Major General http://www.historyplace.com/lincoln/lett-4.htm Joseph Hooker (26 January 1863)
1860s

“The Confederacy stands for slavery and the Union for freedom.”

Private conversation https://books.google.com/books?id=cpLsLWYhMLoC&printsec=frontcover&dq=%22not+a+man+shall+be+a+slave%22+%22Mcpherson%22&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAzgKahUKEwjiwOnYqoLIAhUIez4KHaTnDok#v=onepage&q=slavery&f=false (January 1862)
1860s

“We think Slavery a great moral wrong, and while we do not claim the right to touch it where it exists, we wish to treat it as a wrong in the Territories, where our votes will reach it. We think that a respect for ourselves, a regard for future generations and for the God that made us, require that we put down this wrong where our votes will properly reach it. We think that species of labor an injury to free white men — in short, we think Slavery a great moral, social and political evil, tolerable only because, and so far as its actual existence makes it necessary to tolerate it, and that beyond that, it ought to be treated as a wrong.”

1860s, Allow the humblest man an equal chance (1860)
Kontekst: To us it appears natural to think that slaves are human beings; men, not property; that some of the things, at least, stated about men in the Declaration of Independence apply to them as well as to us. I say, we think, most of us, that this Charter of Freedom applies to the slave as well as to ourselves, that the class of arguments put forward to batter down that idea, are also calculated to break down the very idea of a free government, even for white men, and to undermine the very foundations of free society. We think Slavery a great moral wrong, and while we do not claim the right to touch it where it exists, we wish to treat it as a wrong in the Territories, where our votes will reach it. We think that a respect for ourselves, a regard for future generations and for the God that made us, require that we put down this wrong where our votes will properly reach it. We think that species of labor an injury to free white men — in short, we think Slavery a great moral, social and political evil, tolerable only because, and so far as its actual existence makes it necessary to tolerate it, and that beyond that, it ought to be treated as a wrong.

“You know what a poor correspondent I am. Ever since I received your very agreeable letter of the 22nd. of May I have been intending to write you in answer to it. You suggest that in political action now, you and I would differ. I suppose we would; not quite as much, however, as you may think. You know I dislike slavery; and you fully admit the abstract wrong of it. So far there is no cause of difference. But you say that sooner than yield your legal right to the slave — especially at the bidding of those who are not themselves interested, you would see the Union dissolved. I am not aware that any one is bidding you to yield that right; very certainly I am not. I leave that matter entirely to yourself. I also acknowledge your rights and my obligations, under the constitution, in regard to your slaves. I confess I hate to see the poor creatures hunted down, and caught, and carried back to their stripes, and unrewarded toils; but I bite my lip and keep quiet. In 1841 you and I had together a tedious low-water trip, on a Steam Boat from Louisville to St. Louis. You may remember, as I well do, that from Louisville to the mouth of the Ohio, there were, on board, ten or a dozen slaves, shackled together with irons. That sight was a continued torment to me; and I see something like it every time I touch the Ohio, or any other slave-border. It is hardly fair for you to assume, that I have no interest in a thing which has, and continually exercises, the power of making me miserable. You ought rather to appreciate how much the great body of the Northern people do crucify their feelings, in order to maintain their loyalty to the Constitution and the Union.”

1850s, Letter to Joshua F. Speed (1855)

“Every blade of grass is a study; and to produce two, where there was but one, is both a profit and a pleasure.”

1850s, Address before the Wisconsin State Agricultural Society (1859)

“So you're the little woman who wrote the book that made this great war!”

Comment on meeting Harriet Beecher Stowe, author of Uncle Tom's Cabin, according to Charles Edward Stowe, Lyman Beecher Stowe, "How Mrs. Stowe wrote 'Uncle Tom's Cabin'", McClure's magazine 36:621 http://books.google.com/books?id=biAAAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA621&dq=%22little+woman+who+wrote+the+book+that+made+this+great+war%22 (April 1911), with a footnote stating: "Mr. Charles Edward Stowe, one of the authors of this article, accompanied his mother on this visit to Lincoln, and remembers the occasion distinctly."
Annie Fields, "Days with Mrs. Stowe", Atlantic Monthly 7:148 http://books.google.com/books?id=8F0CAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA148&dq=%22Is+this+the+little+woman+who+made+the+great+war%22 (August 1896)
Posthumous attributions
Wariant: Her daughter was told that when the President heard her name he seized her hand, saying, "Is this the little woman who made the great war?"
Wariant: So you are the little woman who caused this great war!

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