Abraham Lincoln cytaty (663 cytatów, strona 16)

Abraham Lincoln: 663 Cytaty 15 Polubień

Abraham Lincoln słynne cytaty

To tłumaczenie czeka na recenzję. Czy to jest poprawne?

„Ludzie zazwyczaj są tak szczęśliwi, jak myślą, że są.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Kimkolwiek jesteś, bądź dobry.”

Abraham Lincoln

To tłumaczenie czeka na recenzję. Czy to jest poprawne?

„Gdybym miał inną twarz, myślisz, że zatrzymałbym tę?”

Abraham Lincoln

„Moim problemem nie jest, czy Bóg jest po naszej stronie. Moim największym zmartwieniem jest, czy my jesteśmy po stronie Boga. Bo Bóg ma zawsze rację!”

Abraham Lincoln

My concern is not whether God is on our side. My great concern is to be on God’s side. For God is always right! (ang.)
Źródło: Michael Ozga, Progressive Dystopia

„Takt to umiejętność takiego przedstawiania ludzi, jakimi sami najchętniej siebie widzą.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Jeśli złapałeś słonia za tylną nogę, a on próbuje się wyrwać, lepiej mu na to pozwolić.”

Abraham Lincoln

Abraham Lincoln Cytaty o ludziach

„Większość ludzi ma tyle szczęścia, na ile sobie pozwoli.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Nie chciałbym pozostawiać już jakichkolwiek wątpliwości. (…) Moim najważniejszym celem w tej walce jest utrzymanie jedności Unii, nie zaś zachowanie czy likwidacja niewolnictwa. Gdybym mógł utrzymać jedność Unii, nie uwalniając żadnych niewolników, zrobiłbym to; gdybym mógł ją utrzymać, uwalniając wszystkich niewolników, uczyniłbym to bez wahania; gdybym mógł to zrobić uwalniając część z nich, a zostawiając w niewoli innych, tak właśnie bym postąpił. Wszystko, co robię odnośnie do niewolnictwa i ludności kolorowej, robię, aby zachować Unię, a jeśli z czegoś rezygnuję, czynię to, bo nie wierzę, że pomoże to zachować Unię. (…) Wyłożyłem tu swój cel zgodnie z tym, jak postrzegam swoje urzędowe obowiązki, i nie mam zamiaru naginać ich do mojego osobistego, często wyrażanego życzenia, aby wszyscy ludzie – i wszędzie – byli wolni.”

Abraham Lincoln

fragment listu z sierpnia 1862 do Horace’ego Greeleya, redaktora gazety „New-York Tribune”.
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 253.

„Lat temu osiemdziesiąt i siedem ojcowie nasi na tym kontynencie dali początek narodowi, poczętemu z wolności i w przekonaniu, że wszyscy ludzie rodzą się równymi. Toczymy wielką wojnę domową, która jest dla nas czasem próby, której celem jest odpowiedź na pytanie, czy naród w takim duchu poczęty ma szanse na przetrwanie. Przyszło nam spotkać się na wielkim polu bitewnym tej wojny. Przybyliśmy tu, aby poświęcić część tego pola na miejsce ostatniego spoczynku ludzi, którzy oddali tu życie za życie naszego narodu w poczuciu wolności. I oni, i my znaleźliśmy się tu w słusznej sprawie, ale to naszą powinnością jest oddanie czci jej obrońcom. Jednak nie nam przypada splendor poświęcenia, dokonania konsekracji, potwierdzenia sacrum tej ziemi. To dzielni ludzie, żywi i polegli, którzy tu walczyli, uświęcili ja bardziej, niż może to uczynić nasza nędzna władza dawania i odbierania. Świat puści mimo uszu wypowiadane tu słowa i szybko pogrąży je w niepamięci, lecz nigdy nie zapomni czynu tych, którzy tu przelewali krew. Do nas, którym było dane przeżyć, należy święty obowiązek oddania swych sił ogromnemu, lecz jeszcze niedokończonemu dziełu, za które oni oddali swoje życie. To nam, ożywionym duchem poległych bohaterów, przypadło zadanie poświadczenia, że ich śmierć nie był daremna. I to my, z Boga pomocą, doczekamy odrodzenia idei wolności w tym kraju i to my sprawimy, że rządy ludu, przez lud i dla ludu nie znikną wraz z nami z powierzchni ziemi.”

Abraham Lincoln

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle – field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow, this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us – that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion – that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain – that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom – and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. (ang.)
Adres gettysburski – przemówienie podczas uroczystości na cmentarzu poległych po Gettysburgiem żołnierzy Unii, 19 listopada 1863.

„Można oszukiwać wszystkich (ludzi) przez pewien czas, a część ludzi przez cały czas, ale nie da się oszukiwać wszystkich przez cały czas.”

Abraham Lincoln

You can fool all the people some of the time, and some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time. (ang.)
Źródło: Alexander McClure, Lincoln's Own Yarns and Stories, 1901.

„Porzućmy wszelkie spory o tego czy tamtego człowieka, o tę czy tamtą rasę, o to, która z nich jest niższa, a zatem i o to, która musi znajdować się na pośledniej pozycji. Porzućmy to wszystko i zjednoczmy się w jeden lud na całej ziemi, aż wreszcie kiedyś powstaniemy razem, oświadczając, że wszyscy ludzie są równi.”

Abraham Lincoln

debata wyborcza ze Stephanem Douglasem w lipcu 1858 w Chicago (na północy stanu Illinois).
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 250.

„Ludzie są na tyle szczęśliwi, na ile sobie pozwolą.”

Abraham Lincoln

Abraham Lincoln cytaty

„Idę wolno, ale nie cofam się nigdy.”

Abraham Lincoln

I am a slow walker, but I never walk backwards. (ang.)

„Nie ma honorowej drogi do zabijania, nie ma szlachetności w niszczeniu.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Każda praca jest możliwa do wykonania jeśli podzielić ją na małe odcinki.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Nie ma nic dobrego w wojnie. Z wyjątkiem jej końca.”

Abraham Lincoln

O wojnie

„Ogłaszamy, że począwszy od 1 stycznia 1863 roku wszystkie osoby uznawane za niewolników w dowolnym stanie lub terytorium, które ma uzyskać status stanu, a które będą buntować się przeciwko Stanom Zjednoczonym, staną się odtąd na zawsze wolne (…).”

Abraham Lincoln

Źródło: Proklamacja emancypacji

„Demagogia – to umiejętność ubierania najbardziej lichych idei w najwznioślejsze słowa.”

Abraham Lincoln

Źródło: Leksykon złotych myśli, wyboru dokonał Krzysztof Nowak, Warszawa 1998.

O myślach , O myśleniu

„Demokracja: rząd narodu poprzez naród i dla narodu.”

Abraham Lincoln

O demokracji

„Samotni mężczyźni szukają towarzystwa. Samotne kobiety siedzą w domu i czekają. Nigdy się nie spotkają.”

Abraham Lincoln

O kobietach , O mężczyznach , O domu , O czekaniu

„Polityk odpowiedzialny jest za statek, a nie za fale.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Kobieta to jedyna istota, której się boję, wiedząc, że mnie nie zrani.”

Abraham Lincoln

O kobietach

„Jeżeli występuje konflikt pomiędzy prawami człowieka i prawami własności, prawa człowieka muszą zwyciężyć.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Po czterdziestce każdy jest już odpowiedzialny za wygląd swojej twarzy.”

Abraham Lincoln

O wyglądzie

„Gdybym próbował czytać wszystkie słowa krytyki skierowane przeciwko mnie – mógłbym równie dobrze zamknąć swoje biuro i wziąć się za coś innego. Robię to, co według mnie najlepsze, najlepiej jak potrafię. I mam zamiar robić tak do końca. I jeśli przy końcu okaże się, że mam rację, wszystko, co o mnie powiedziano, przestanie się liczyć. A jeśli koniec pokaże, że się myliłem, nie zmieni tego nawet 10 aniołów, które będą przysięgać, że miałem rację.”

Abraham Lincoln

O aniołach , O czytaniu

„Nikt nie ma dostatecznie dobrej pamięci, aby kłamać zawsze z powodzeniem.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Żaden człowiek nie jest dostatecznie dobry, żeby rządzić drugim człowiekiem bez jego zgody.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Latarnie morskie są znacznie pożyteczniejsze od kościołów.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Nie jest moim celem wywieranie, ani bezpośrednio, ani pośrednio, wpływu na instytucję niewolnictwa w stanach, w których ona istnieje. Jestem przekonany, że nie mam ku temu uprawnień. Co więcej, nie mam też ku temu skłonności.”

Abraham Lincoln

pierwsze orędzie prezydenckie wygłoszone w marcu 1861.
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 251.

O historii

„Świat nigdy nie znalazł dobrej definicji dla słowa wolność.”

Abraham Lincoln

O świecie , O wolności

„Nie wiem, kim był mój dziadek; bardziej interesuje mnie, kim będzie mój wnuk.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Nie żywiąc urazy do nikogo, lecz miłość do każdego bliźniego, (…) nie ustawajmy w dążeniu do ukończenia dzieła, którego dokonujemy. Dzieła opatrzenia ran narodu.”

Abraham Lincoln

drugie przemówienie inauguracyjne (4 marca 1865)
Źródło: Rosemary Burton, Richard Cavendish, Cuda świata: Przewodnik po skarbach cywilizacji.

O miłości

„Istnieje naturalna odraza w umysłach niemal wszystkich białych do przemieszania rasy białej z czarną…”

Abraham Lincoln

Źródło: cyt. za Leon Korusiewicz, Wojna secesyjna 1860–1865, wyd. PWN, 1985, s. 67.

O wojnie

„Zakres szczęścia człowieka zależy od niego samego.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Nie pomaga się ludziom, robiąc za nich to, co sami mają zrobić.”

Abraham Lincoln

Źródło: Przykazania etyki prawniczej: księga myśli, norm i rycin, oprac. Roman Tokarczyk, wyd. Wolters Kluwer Polska, s. 31.

O myślach , O myśleniu

„Nie należy zmieniać koni, gdy przejeżdża się przez bród.”

Abraham Lincoln

Koń

„Zwykli ludzie są najlepsi na świecie: oto powód, dlaczego Bóg uczynił ich tak wielu.”

Abraham Lincoln

O Bogu , O ludziach

„Z tym niepomiernym ciężarem, jaki dźwigam dniem i nocą umarłbym chyba, gdyby co dzień nie dano mi okazji się pośmiać.”

Abraham Lincoln

„To piękne, gdy człowiek może być dumny ze swojego miasta, lecz jeszcze piękniej, gdy miasto może być z niego dumne.”

Abraham Lincoln

„Pan Bóg najwidoczniej bardziej od bogatych ukochał sobie biednych, skoro stworzył ich tak wielu.”

Abraham Lincoln

O Bogu

„Powiem więc, że nie jestem ani nigdy nie byłem zwolennikiem wprowadzenia jakkolwiek rozumianej równości społecznej i politycznej białej i czarnej rasy [oklaski]; nie jestem ani nigdy nie byłem zwolennikiem tego, by czarni uzyskali prawa wyborcze, zostawali sędziami, urzędnikami czy też zawierali związki małżeńskie z białymi (…)
A ponieważ nie wolno im tak żyć, gdy dwie rasy pozostają razem, jedna z nich musi być wyższa, a druga niższa; ja zaś, podobnie jak wszyscy, zgadzam się z tym, że owa nadrzędna pozycja przeznaczona jest dla rasy białej.”

Abraham Lincoln

debata wyborcza ze Stephanem Douglasem we wrześniu 1858 w Charleston (na południu stanu Illinois).
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 250.

O historii

„Rząd musi troszczyć się o to dla swojego ludu, co stanowi ich potrzebę, a czego w ogóle nie są w stanie sami zrobić lub czego pozostawieni samym sobie nie są w stanie zrobić dobrze. We wszystkim jednak, co jednostki są w stanie zrobić same, rząd do tego nie może się mieszać.”

Abraham Lincoln

Źródło: Franciszek Kampka, Etyka polityki: między wolnością a solidarnością, Wyd. SGGW, Warszawa 2017, s. 41.

O ludziach

„Ilekroć słyszę kogoś opowiadającego się za niewolnictwem, mam wielką ochotę wypróbować to na nim osobiście.”

Abraham Lincoln

Whenever I hear anyone arguing for slavery I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him personally. (ang.)
Źródło: cyt. za Marek Gołębiowski, Leksykon kultury amerykańskiej, wyd. Twój Styl, Warszawa 1996, s. 109.

To tłumaczenie czeka na recenzję. Czy to jest poprawne?

„Ilekroć słyszę, jak ktoś opowiada się za niewolnictwem, odczuwam silny impuls, by wypróbowano je na nim.”

Abraham Lincoln

To tłumaczenie czeka na recenzję. Czy to jest poprawne?

„Chodzę powoli, ale nigdy wstecz.”

Abraham Lincoln

Abraham Lincoln: Cytaty po angielsku

“Let us notice some more of the stale charges against Republicans. You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? Why, that our party has no existence in your section — gets no votes in your section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove the issue? If it does, then in case we should, without change of principle, begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in your section this very year. The fact that we get no votes in your section is a fact of your making, and not of ours. And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains so until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice. If we do repel you by any wrong principle or practice, the fault is ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have started — to a discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our principle, put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of ours, or for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, then, on the question of whether our principle, put in practice, would wrong your section; and so meet it as if it were possible that something may be said on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No? Then you really believe that the principle which our fathers who framed the Government under which we live thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again and again, upon their official oaths, is, in fact, so clearly wrong as to demand your condemnation without a moment's consideration.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Allow the humblest man an equal chance (1860)

“I believe, if we take habitual drunkards as a class, their heads and their hearts will bear an advantageous comparison with those of any other class. There seems ever to have been a proneness in the brilliant and warm-blooded to fall into this vice.”

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Abraham Lincoln

Address to the Springfield Washingtonian Temperance Society (22 February 1842), quoted at greater length in John Carroll Power (1889) Abraham Lincoln: His Life, Public Services, Death and Funeral Cortege
1840s

“And now let any Union man who complains of the measure, test himself by writing down in one line that he is for subduing the rebellion by force of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking these hundred and thirty thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they would be but for the measure he condemns. If he can not face his case so stated, it is only because he can not face the truth.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, "If Slavery Is Not Wrong, Nothing Is Wrong" (1864)

“There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: You desire peace; and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we attain it? There are but three conceivable ways. First, to suppress the rebellion by force of arms. This, I am trying to do. Are you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, a second way is, to give up the Union. I am against this. Are you for it? If you are, you should say so plainly. If you are not for force, nor yet for dissolution, there only remains some imaginable compromise. I do not believe any compromise, embracing the maintenance of the Union, is now possible. All I learn, leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the rebellion, is its military — its army. That army dominates all the country, and all the people, within its range. Any offer of terms made by any man or men within that range, in opposition to that army, is simply nothing for the present; because such man or men, have no power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made with them.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Letter to James C. Conkling (1863)

“The provision of the Constitution that "the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it" is equivalent to a provision — is a provision — that such privilege may be suspended when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does require it. It was decided that we have a case of rebellion and that the public safety does require the qualified suspension of the privilege of the writ which was authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that Congress, and not the Executive, is vested with this power; but the Constitution itself is silent as to which or who is to exercise the power; and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it can not be believed the framers of the instrument intended that in every case the danger should run its course until Congress could be called together, the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by the rebellion.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Fourth of July Address to Congress (1861)

“What is now combated is the position that secession is consistent with the Constitution — is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that there is any express law for it, and nothing should ever be implied as law which leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The nation purchased with money the countries out of which several of these States were formed. Is it just that they shall go off without leave and without refunding? The nation paid very large sums (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions) to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she shall now be off without consent or without making any return? The nation is now in debt for money applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding States in common with the rest. Is it just either that creditors shall go unpaid or the remaining States pay the whole? A part of the present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself?”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Fourth of July Address to Congress (1861)

“No, leave it as a monument.”

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Abraham Lincoln

In response to talk of demolishing Libby Prison. In Richmond, Virginia (April 4, 1865), as quoted in Incidents and Anecdotes of the Civil War https://archive.org/download/incidentsanecdot00port/incidentsanecdot00port.pdf (1885), by David Dixon Porter, p. 299
1860s, Tour of Richmond (1865)

“The ambition for broad acres leads to poor farming, even with men of energy. I scarcely ever knew a mammoth farm to sustain itself; much less to return a profit upon the outlay. I have more than once known a man to spend a respectable fortune upon one; fail and leave it; and then some man of more modest aims, get a small fraction of the ground, and make a good living upon it. Mammoth farms are like tools or weapons, which are too heavy to be handled. Ere long they are thrown aside, at a great loss.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1850s, Address before the Wisconsin State Agricultural Society (1859)

“We live in the midst of alarms; anxiety beclouds the future; we expect some new disaster with each newspaper we read.”

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Abraham Lincoln

Speech at Bloomington (29 May 1856)
1850s

“Without the military help of the black freedman, the war against the South could not have been won.”

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Abraham Lincoln

As quoted in Freedom's Unfinished Revolution: An Inquiry Into the Civil War https://books.google.com/books?id=8-dtOwigLNIC&pg=PA8&dq=freedman, by William Friedheim and Ronald Jackson.
Posthumous attributions

“Every man is proud of what he does well; and no man is proud of what he does not do well. With the former, his heart is in his work; and he will do twice as much of it with less fatigue. The latter performs a little imperfectly, looks at it in disgust, turns from it, and imagines himself exceedingly tired. The little he has done, comes to nothing, for want of finishing.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1850s, Address before the Wisconsin State Agricultural Society (1859)

“In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, First Inaugural Address (1861)

“We meet this evening, not in sorrow, but in gladness of heart. The evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surrender of the principal insurgent army, give hope of a righteous and speedy peace whose joyous expression can not be restrained. In the midst of this, however, He from whom all blessings flow, must not be forgotten. A call for a national thanksgiving is being prepared, and will be duly promulgated. Nor must those whose harder part gives us the cause of rejoicing, be overlooked. Their honors must not be parcelled out with others. I myself was near the front, and had the high pleasure of transmitting much of the good news to you; but no part of the honor, for plan or execution, is mine. To General Grant, his skilful officers, and brave men, all belongs. The gallant Navy stood ready, but was not in reach to take active part.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Last public address (1865)

“Wherever slavery is, it has been first introduced without law. The oldest laws we find concerning it, are not laws introducing it; but regulating it, as an already existing thing.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1850s, Speech at Peoria, Illinois (1854)

“This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining to a State — to each State of our Federal Union. Our States have neither more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the Constitution, no one of them ever having been a State out of the Union. The original ones passed into the Union even before they cast off their British colonial dependence, and the new ones each came into the Union directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas; and even Texas, in its temporary independence, was never designated a State. The new ones only took the designation of States on coming into the Union, while that name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be "free and independent States;" but even then the object plainly was not to declare their independence of one another or of the Union, but directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action before, at the time, and afterwards abundantly show. The express plighting of faith by each and all of the original thirteen in the Articles of Confederation, two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual is most conclusive. Having never been States, either in substance or in name, outside of the Union, whence this magical omnipotence of "State rights," asserting a claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is said about the "sovereignty" of the States, but the word even is not in the National Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. What is a "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? Would it be far wrong to define it "a political community without a political superior"? Tested by this, no one of our States, except Texas, ever was a sovereignty; and even Texas gave up the character on coming into the Union, by which act she acknowledged the Constitution of the United States and the laws and treaties of the United States made in pursuance of the Constitution to be for her the supreme law of the land. The States have their status in the Union, and they have no other legal status. If they break from this, they can only do so against law and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves separately, procured their independence and their liberty. By conquest or purchase the Union gave each of them whatever of independence and liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the States, and, in fact, it created them as States. Originally some dependent colonies made the Union, and in turn the Union threw off their old dependence for them and made them States, such as they are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution independent of the Union. Of course it is not forgotten that all the new States framed their constitutions before they entered the Union, nevertheless dependent upon and preparatory to coming into the Union.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Fourth of July Address to Congress (1861)

“I desire so to conduct the affairs of this administration that if at the end, when I come to lay down the reins of power, I have lost every other friend on earth, I shall at least have one friend left, and that friend shall be down inside of me.”

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Abraham Lincoln

Źródło: Reply to Missouri Committee of Seventy (30 September 1864)

“Mister Lincoln then took up the Massachusetts shoemakers' strike, treating it in a humorous and philosophical manner, and exposing to ridicule the foolish pretense of Senator Douglas, that the strike arose from 'this unfortunate sectional warfare'. Mister Lincoln thanked God that we have a system of labor where there can be a strike. Whatever the pressure, there is a point where the workman may stop.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Speech at Hartford (1860)

“Abraham took an early start as a hunter, which was never much improved afterwards. A few days before the completion of his eighth year, in the absence of his father, a flock of wild turkeys approached the new log cabin, and Abraham with a rifle-gun standing inside, shot through a crack and killed one of them. He has never since pulled a trigger on any larger game.”

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Abraham Lincoln

p, 125
1860s, A Short Autobiography (1860)

“I wish it might be more generally and universally understood what the country is now engaged in. We have, as all will agree, a free Government, where every man has a right to be equal with every other man. In this great struggle, this form of Government and every form of human right is endangered if our enemies succeed. There is more involved in this contest than is realized by every one. There is involved in this struggle the question whether your children and my children shall enjoy the privileges we have enjoyed.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Speeches to Ohio Regiments (1864), Speech to the One Hundred Sixty-fourth Ohio Regiment

“The Autocrat of all the Russias will resign his crown, and proclaim his subjects free republicans sooner than will our American masters voluntarily give up their slaves.”

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Abraham Lincoln

Letter to George Robertson (15 August 1855)
1850s

“The truth is, that this question is one of national importance, and we cannot help dealing with it: we must do something about it, whether we will or not. We cannot avoid it; the subject is one we cannot avoid considering; we can no more avoid it than a man can live without eating. It is upon us; it attaches to the body politic as much and as closely as the natural wants attach to our natural bodies. Now I think it important that this matter should be taken up in earnest, and really settled. And one way to bring about a true settlement of the question is to understand its true magnitude.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, Allow the humblest man an equal chance (1860)

“My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it.”

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Abraham Lincoln

1860s, First Inaugural Address (1861)

“We, on our side, are praying Him to give us victory, because we believe we are right; but those on the other side pray to Him, look for victory, believing they are right. What must He think of us?”

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Abraham Lincoln

Attributed in 1861, as quoted in The Life of Abraham Lincoln: Drawn from Original Sources https://books.google.com/books?id=3WMDAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA124&dq=%22What+must+he+think+of+us%22 (1900), Volume 3, New York: Lincoln History Society, p. 124
Posthumous attributions

“Abraham Lincoln is my name
And with my pen I wrote the same
I wrote in both hast and speed
and left it here for fools to read”

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Abraham Lincoln

Manuscript poem, as a teenager (ca. 1824–1826), in "Lincoln as Poet" at Library of Congress : Presidents as Poets http://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/prespoetry/al.html, as published in The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (1953) edited by Roy. P. Basler, Vol. 1
1820s

“I hope to have God on my side, but I must have Kentucky!”

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Abraham Lincoln

See, for example, Albert D. Richardson (1865), The Secret Service, the Field, the Dungeon, and the Escape. The quotation is based on a comment by Rev. Moncure D. Conway about the progress of the Civil War.
It is evident that the worthy President would like to have God on his side: he must have Kentucky.
Moncure D. Conway (1862), The Golden Hour
Misattributed

“There is no room for two distinct races of white men in America, much less for two distinct races of whites and blacks. I can conceive of no greater calamity than the assimilation of the Negro into our social and political life as an equal… Within twenty years we can peacefully colonize the Negro in the tropics and give him our language, literature, religion, and system of government under conditions in which he can rise to the full measure of manhood. This he can never do here. We can never attain the ideal Union our fathers dreamed, with millions of an alien, inferior race among us, whose assimilation is neither possible nor desirable.”

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Abraham Lincoln

This is from a fictional speech by Lincoln which occurs in The Clansman : An Historical Romance of the Ku Klux Klan (1905) by Thomas Dixon, Jr.. On some sites this has been declared to be something Lincoln said "soon after signing" the Emancipation Proclamation, but without any date or other indications of to whom it was stated, and there are no actual historical records of Lincoln ever saying this.
Misattributed