Abraham Lincoln cytaty
strona 15

Abraham Lincoln – amerykański polityk, szesnasty prezydent Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki, uczestnik wojny Czarnego Jastrzębia. Zasiadał przez dwa lata jako przedstawiciel Partii Wigów w Izbie Reprezentantów. W 1860 roku z sukcesem ubiegał się o nominację Partii Republikańskiej na urząd Prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych. W głosowaniu powszechnym zwyciężył i piastowanie urzędu rozpoczął 4 marca 1861 roku. Trzy lata później ponownie został kandydatem partii na urząd prezydenta i został wybrany na drugą kadencję. Jego życie i prezydentura zakończyła się 15 kwietnia 1865 roku śmiercią w wyniku zamachu dokonanego przez Johna Wilkesa Bootha. Wikipedia  

✵ 12. Luty 1809 – 15. Kwiecień 1865   •   Natępne imiona Abramo Lincoln
Abraham Lincoln Fotografia
Abraham Lincoln: 663   Cytaty 15   Polubień

Abraham Lincoln słynne cytaty

„Moim problemem nie jest, czy Bóg jest po naszej stronie. Moim największym zmartwieniem jest, czy my jesteśmy po stronie Boga. Bo Bóg ma zawsze rację!”

My concern is not whether God is on our side. My great concern is to be on God’s side. For God is always right! (ang.)
Źródło: Michael Ozga, Progressive Dystopia

Abraham Lincoln Cytaty o ludziach

„Lat temu osiemdziesiąt i siedem ojcowie nasi na tym kontynencie dali początek narodowi, poczętemu z wolności i w przekonaniu, że wszyscy ludzie rodzą się równymi. Toczymy wielką wojnę domową, która jest dla nas czasem próby, której celem jest odpowiedź na pytanie, czy naród w takim duchu poczęty ma szanse na przetrwanie. Przyszło nam spotkać się na wielkim polu bitewnym tej wojny. Przybyliśmy tu, aby poświęcić część tego pola na miejsce ostatniego spoczynku ludzi, którzy oddali tu życie za życie naszego narodu w poczuciu wolności. I oni, i my znaleźliśmy się tu w słusznej sprawie, ale to naszą powinnością jest oddanie czci jej obrońcom. Jednak nie nam przypada splendor poświęcenia, dokonania konsekracji, potwierdzenia sacrum tej ziemi. To dzielni ludzie, żywi i polegli, którzy tu walczyli, uświęcili ja bardziej, niż może to uczynić nasza nędzna władza dawania i odbierania. Świat puści mimo uszu wypowiadane tu słowa i szybko pogrąży je w niepamięci, lecz nigdy nie zapomni czynu tych, którzy tu przelewali krew. Do nas, którym było dane przeżyć, należy święty obowiązek oddania swych sił ogromnemu, lecz jeszcze niedokończonemu dziełu, za które oni oddali swoje życie. To nam, ożywionym duchem poległych bohaterów, przypadło zadanie poświadczenia, że ich śmierć nie był daremna. I to my, z Boga pomocą, doczekamy odrodzenia idei wolności w tym kraju i to my sprawimy, że rządy ludu, przez lud i dla ludu nie znikną wraz z nami z powierzchni ziemi.”

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle – field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow, this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us – that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion – that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain – that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom – and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. (ang.)
Adres gettysburski – przemówienie podczas uroczystości na cmentarzu poległych po Gettysburgiem żołnierzy Unii, 19 listopada 1863.

„Można oszukiwać wszystkich (ludzi) przez pewien czas, a część ludzi przez cały czas, ale nie da się oszukiwać wszystkich przez cały czas.”

You can fool all the people some of the time, and some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time. (ang.)
Źródło: Alexander McClure, Lincoln's Own Yarns and Stories, 1901.

„Porzućmy wszelkie spory o tego czy tamtego człowieka, o tę czy tamtą rasę, o to, która z nich jest niższa, a zatem i o to, która musi znajdować się na pośledniej pozycji. Porzućmy to wszystko i zjednoczmy się w jeden lud na całej ziemi, aż wreszcie kiedyś powstaniemy razem, oświadczając, że wszyscy ludzie są równi.”

debata wyborcza ze Stephanem Douglasem w lipcu 1858 w Chicago (na północy stanu Illinois).
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 250.

Abraham Lincoln cytaty

„Idę wolno, ale nie cofam się nigdy.”

I am a slow walker, but I never walk backwards. (ang.)

„Demagogia – to umiejętność ubierania najbardziej lichych idei w najwznioślejsze słowa.”

Źródło: Leksykon złotych myśli, wyboru dokonał Krzysztof Nowak, Warszawa 1998.

„Nie jest moim celem wywieranie, ani bezpośrednio, ani pośrednio, wpływu na instytucję niewolnictwa w stanach, w których ona istnieje. Jestem przekonany, że nie mam ku temu uprawnień. Co więcej, nie mam też ku temu skłonności.”

pierwsze orędzie prezydenckie wygłoszone w marcu 1861.
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 251.

„Nie żywiąc urazy do nikogo, lecz miłość do każdego bliźniego, (…) nie ustawajmy w dążeniu do ukończenia dzieła, którego dokonujemy. Dzieła opatrzenia ran narodu.”

drugie przemówienie inauguracyjne (4 marca 1865)
Źródło: Rosemary Burton, Richard Cavendish, Cuda świata: Przewodnik po skarbach cywilizacji.

„Istnieje naturalna odraza w umysłach niemal wszystkich białych do przemieszania rasy białej z czarną…”

Źródło: cyt. za Leon Korusiewicz, Wojna secesyjna 1860–1865, wyd. PWN, 1985, s. 67.

„Nie pomaga się ludziom, robiąc za nich to, co sami mają zrobić.”

Źródło: Przykazania etyki prawniczej: księga myśli, norm i rycin, oprac. Roman Tokarczyk, wyd. Wolters Kluwer Polska, s. 31.

„Ilekroć słyszę kogoś opowiadającego się za niewolnictwem, mam wielką ochotę wypróbować to na nim osobiście.”

Whenever I hear anyone arguing for slavery I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him personally. (ang.)
Źródło: cyt. za Marek Gołębiowski, Leksykon kultury amerykańskiej, wyd. Twój Styl, Warszawa 1996, s. 109.

To tłumaczenie czeka na recenzję. Czy to jest poprawne?
To tłumaczenie czeka na recenzję. Czy to jest poprawne?

Abraham Lincoln: Cytaty po angielsku

“!-- Your kind letter of the 25th ult., and the express package containing the bronze medal of -->Mr. Clay, during my whole political life, I have loved and revered as a teacher and leader.”

Letter to Daniel Ullmann (1 February 1861); quoted in "Why Abraham Lincoln Was a Whig" by Daniel Walker Howe, The Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Volume 16, Issue 1 (Winter 1995) http://quod.lib.umich.edu/j/jala/2629860.0016.105?view=text;rgn=main; also in We Have the War Upon Us: The Onset of the Civil War, November 1860-April 1861 (2013) by William J. Cooper, p. 72 http://books.google.com/books?id=meYLTCRlHaQC&pg=PA72&lpg=PA72&dq=Lincoln+%22I+have+loved+and+revered%22&source=bl&ots=A-QLTNlkSN&sig=F0MdGo6rkAVKc3tIQSs0Xp4AdSY&hl=en&sa=X&ei=fmpQUv22LpCi4APhj4HoDQ&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=Lincoln%20%22I%20have%20loved%20and%20revered%22&f=false<!-- Random House LLC, Jun 4, 2013 -->
1860s

“Abraham Lincoln
his hand and pen
he will be good but
god knows When”

Manuscript poem, as a teenager (ca. 1824–1826) http://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/prespoetry/al.html#1, in "Lincoln as Poet" at Library of Congress : Presidents as Poets http://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/prespoetry/al.html also in The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (1953) edited by Roy. P. Basler, Vol. 1
1820s

“Did Stanton say I was a damned fool? Then I dare say I must be one, for Stanton is generally right and he always says what he means.”

As quoted in Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War (1922) by Nathaniel Wright Stephenson.
1860s

“I do oppose the extension of slavery, because my judgment and feelings so prompt me; and I am under no obligation to the contrary. If for this you and I must differ, differ we must. You say if you were President, you would send an army and hang the leaders of the Missouri outrages upon the Kansas elections; still, if Kansas fairly votes herself a slave state, she must be admitted, or the Union must be dissolved. But how if she votes herself a slave State unfairly — that is, by the very means for which you say you would hang men? Must she still be admitted, or the Union be dissolved? That will be the phase of the question when it first becomes a practical one. In your assumption that there may be a fair decision of the slavery question in Kansas, I plainly see you and I would differ about the Nebraska-law. I look upon that enactment not as a law, but as violence from the beginning. It was conceived in violence, passed in violence, is maintained in violence, and is being executed in violence. I say it was conceived in violence, because the destruction of the Missouri Compromise, under the circumstances, was nothing less than violence. It was passed in violence, because it could not have passed at all but for the votes of many members in violence of the known will of their constituents. It is maintained in violence because the elections since, clearly demand it's repeal, and this demand is openly disregarded. You say men ought to be hung for the way they are executing that law; and I say the way it is being executed is quite as good as any of its antecedents. It is being executed in the precise way which was intended from the first; else why does no Nebraska man express astonishment or condemnation? Poor Reeder is the only public man who has been silly enough to believe that any thing like fairness was ever intended; and he has been bravely undeceived.”

1850s, Letter to Joshua F. Speed (1855)

“Some twelve thousand voters in the heretofore slave-state of Louisiana have sworn allegiance to the Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of the State, held elections, organized a State government, adopted a free-state constitution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to black and white, and empowering the Legislature to confer the elective franchise upon the colored man. Their Legislature has already voted to ratify the constitutional amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing slavery throughout the nation. These twelve thousand persons are thus fully committed to the Union, and to perpetual freedom in the state — committed to the very things, and nearly all the things the nation wants — and they ask the nations recognition and it's assistance to make good their committal. Now, if we reject, and spurn them, we do our utmost to disorganize and disperse them. We in effect say to the white men "You are worthless, or worse — we will neither help you, nor be helped by you." To the blacks we say "This cup of liberty which these, your old masters, hold to your lips, we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined when, where, and how." If this course, discouraging and paralyzing both white and black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with the Union, I have, so far, been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, we recognize, and sustain the new government of Louisiana the converse of all this is made true. We encourage the hearts, and nerve the arms of the twelve thousand to adhere to their work, and argue for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed it, and grow it, and ripen it to a complete success. The colored man too, in seeing all united for him, is inspired with vigilance, and energy, and daring, to the same end. Grant that he desires the elective franchise, will he not attain it sooner by saving the already advanced steps toward it, than by running backward over them? Concede that the new government of Louisiana is only to what it should be as the egg is to the fowl, we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg than by smashing it? Again, if we reject Louisiana, we also reject one vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the national Constitution. To meet this proposition, it has been argued that no more than three fourths of those States which have not attempted secession are necessary to validly ratify the amendment. I do not commit myself against this, further than to say that such a ratification would be questionable, and sure to be persistently questioned; while a ratification by three-fourths of all the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable.”

1860s, Last public address (1865)

“The severest justice may not always be the best policy.”

Veto message, eventually not executed, written as a response to the Second Confiscation Act passed by Congress. (17 July 1862)
The Emancipation Proclamation, by John Hope Franklin, Doubleday Anchor Books, New York, NY, 1963, p. 19
1860s

“Fellow citizens of New Haven, if the Republican Party of this nation shall ever have the national house entrusted to its keeping, it will be the duty of that party to attend to all the affairs of national housekeeping. Whatever matters of importance may come up, whatever difficulties may arise in the way of its administration of the government, that party will then have to attend to. It will then be compelled to attend to other questions, besides this question which now assumes an overwhelming importance — the question of Slavery. It is true that in the organization of the Republican party this question of Slavery was more important than any other; indeed, so much more important has it become that no other national question can even get a hearing just at present. The old question of tariff — a matter that will remain one of the chief affairs of national housekeeping to all time — the question of the management of financial affairs; the question of the disposition of the public domain — how shall it be managed for the purpose of getting it well settled, and of making there the homes of a free and happy people — these will remain open and require attention for a great while yet, and these questions will have to be attended to by whatever party has the control of the government. Yet, just now, they cannot even obtain a hearing, and I do not purpose to detain you upon these topics, or what sort of hearing they should have when opportunity shall come.”

1860s, Allow the humblest man an equal chance (1860)

“Men are not flattered by being shown that there has been a difference of purpose between the Almighty and them.”

Letter to Thurlow Weed (15 March 1865), reproduced in Lord Charnwood (1916), Abraham Lincoln: A Biography
1860s

“The Declaration of Independence was formed by the representatives of American liberty from thirteen States of the confederacy; twelve of which were slaveholding communities. We need not discuss the way or the reason of their becoming slaveholding communities. It is sufficient for our purpose that all of them greatly deplored the evil and that they placed a provision in the Constitution which they supposed would gradually remove the disease by cutting off its source. This was the abolition of the slave trade. So general was conviction, the public determination, to abolish the African slave trade, that the provision which I have referred to as being placed in the Constitution, declared that it should not be abolished prior to the year 1808. A constitutional provision was necessary to prevent the people, through Congress, from putting a stop to the traffic immediately at the close of the war. Now, if slavery had been a good thing, would the Fathers of the Republic have taken a step calculated to diminish its beneficent influences among themselves, and snatch the boon wholly from their posterity? These communities, by their representatives in old Independence Hall, said to the whole world of men: "We hold these truths to be self evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." This was their majestic interpretation of the economy of the Universe. This was their lofty, and wise, and noble understanding of the justice of the Creator to His creatures… Yes, gentlemen, to all His creatures, to the whole great family of man. In their enlightened belief, nothing stamped with the Divine image and likeness was sent into the world to be trodden on, and degraded, and imbruted by its fellows. They grasped not only the whole race of man then living, but they reached forward and seized upon the farthest posterity. They erected a beacon to guide their children and their children's children, and the countless myriads who should inhabit the earth in other ages. Wise statesmen as they were, they knew the tendency of prosperity to breed tyrants, and so they established these great self-evident truths, that when in the distant future some man, some faction, some interest, should set up the doctrine that none but rich men, or none but white men, were entitled to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, their posterity might look up again to the Declaration of Independence and take courage to renew the battle which their fathers began, so that truth, and justice, and mercy, and all the humane and Christian virtues might not be extinguished from the land; so that no man would hereafter dare to limit and circumscribe the great principles on which the temple of liberty was being built…”

1850s, Speech at Lewistown, Illinois (1858)

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