The worker does not owe his employer subservience and obedience; he owes him services; he receives his wage not as a favor, but as an earned reward. (ang.)
Źródło: Interwencjonizm
Ludwig von Mises:
98
Cytatów
3
Polubienia
Ludwig von Mises słynne cytaty
… [A]s soon as we surrender the principle that the state should not interfere in any questions touching on the individual’s mode of life, we end by regulating and restricting the latter down to the smallest detail. (ang.)
Źródło: Biurokracja, pierwsze wydanie 1944, tłumaczenie za wydaniem polskim Fijor Publishing 2005
The goal of liberalism is the peaceful cooperation of all men. It aims at peace among nations too. When there is private ownership of the means of production everywhere and when laws, the tribunals and the administration treat foreigners and citizens on equal terms, it is of little importance where a country’s frontiers are drawn…. War no longer pays; there is no motive for aggression…. All nations can coexist peacefully… (ang.)
Ludwig von Mises Cytaty o ludziach
Źródło: Ekonomia i polityka, rozważania na dziś i jutro
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Ludzkie działanie
Zadaniem ekonomii jest głoszenie tej prawdy, tak samo jak zadaniem biologii i chemii jest nauczanie, że cyjanek potasu to nie pokarm, lecz śmiertelna trucizna.
Źródło: Human Action, s. 676.
Ludwig von Mises cytaty
Źródło: Mentalność antykapitalistyczna
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Socialism
Źródło: Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis, 1922
The meaning of economic freedom is this: that the individual is in a position to choose the way in which he wants to integrate himself into the totality of society. (ang.)
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Ludzkie działanie
Źródło: Ludzkie działanie. Traktat o ekonomii
Źródło: Liberalizm w tradycji klasycznej
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Ludzkie działanie
Źródło: Ludzkie działanie. Traktat o ekonomii
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Ludzkie działanie
Źródło: Ludzkie działanie. Traktat o ekonomii
„Albo prywatna własność środków produkcji, albo głód i nędza dla wszystkich.”
Entweder Sondereigentum an den Produktionsmitteln, oder Hunger und Elend für Alle. (niem.)
Źródło: Liberalizm w tradycji klasycznej, tłum. Szymon Czarnik
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Socialism
Źródło: Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis, 1922
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Ludzkie działanie
Źródło: Ludzkie działanie. Traktat o ekonomii
No wonder that all who have had something new to offer humanity have had nothing good to say of the state or its laws. (ang.)
Źródło: Liberalizm w tradycji klasycznej, tłum. Szymon Czarnik
If history could teach us anything, it would be that private property is inextricably linked with civilization. (ang.)
„Zrozumienie to nie przywilej naukowców, to interes każdego z nas.”
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Ludzkie działanie
Źródło: Ludzkie działanie. Traktat o ekonomii
Profits are the driving force of the market economy. The greater the profits, the better the needs of the consumers are supplied. (ang.)
„Każde ludzkie działanie jest racjonalne, nawet jeśli nie jest.”
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Ludzkie działanie
Źródło: Ludzkie działanie. Traktat o ekonomii
„W zmieniającej się gospodarce działanie jest zawsze spekulacją.”
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Ludzkie działanie
Źródło: Ludzkie działanie. Traktat o ekonomii
Ludwig von Mises: Cytaty po angielsku
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Liberalism
: The Foundations of Liberal Policy § 10. The Argument of Fascism https://mises.org/liberal/ch1sec10.asp,Ch.1
Liberalism (1927)
Kontekst: Now it cannot be denied that the only way one can offer effective resistance to violent assaults is by violence. Against the weapons of the Bolsheviks, weapons must be used in reprisal, and it would be a mistake to display weakness before murderers. No liberal has ever called this into question. What distinguishes liberal from Fascist political tactics is not a difference of opinion in regard to the necessity of using armed force to resist armed attackers, but a difference in the fundamental estimation of the role of violence in a struggle for power. The great danger threatening domestic policy from the side of Fascism lies in its complete faith in the decisive power of violence. In order to assure success, one must be imbued with the will to victory and always proceed violently. This is its highest principle. What happens, however, when one's opponent, similarly animated by the will to be victorious, acts just as violently? The result must be a battle, a civil war. The ultimate victor to emerge from such conflicts will be the faction strongest in number. In the long run, a minority — even if it is composed of the most capable and energetic — cannot succeed in resisting the majority. The decisive question, therefore, always remains: How does one obtain a majority for one's own party? This, however, is a purely intellectual matter. It is a victory that can be won only with the weapons of the intellect, never by force. The suppression of all opposition by sheer violence is a most unsuitable way to win adherents to one's cause. Resort to naked force — that is, without justification in terms of intellectual arguments accepted by public opinion — merely gains new friends for those whom one is thereby trying to combat. In a battle between force and an idea, the latter always prevails.
“The ultimate outcome of the struggle, however, will not be decided by arms, but by ideas.”
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Liberalism
Źródło: Liberalism (1927), Ch. 1 : The Foundations of Liberal Policy § 10 : The Argument of Fascism
Kontekst: Repression by brute force is always a confession of the inability to make use of the better weapons of the intellect — better because they alone give promise of final success. This is the fundamental error from which Fascism suffers and which will ultimately cause its downfall. The victory of Fascism in a number of countries is only an episode in the long series of struggles over the problem of property. The next episode will be the victory of Communism. The ultimate outcome of the struggle, however, will not be decided by arms, but by ideas. It is ideas that group men into fighting factions, that press the weapons into their hands, and that determine against whom and for whom the weapons shall be used. It is they alone, and not arms, that, in the last analysis, turn the scales.
So much for the domestic policy of Fascism. That its foreign policy, based as it is on the avowed principle of force in international relations, cannot fail to give rise to an endless series of wars that must destroy all of modern civilization requires no further discussion. To maintain and further raise our present level of economic development, peace among nations must be assured. But they cannot live together in peace if the basic tenet of the ideology by which they are governed is the belief that one's own nation can secure its place in the community of nations by force alone.
It cannot be denied that Fascism and similar movements aiming at the establishment of dictatorships are full of the best intentions and that their intervention has, for the moment, saved European civilization. The merit that Fascism has thereby won for itself will live on eternally in history. But though its policy has brought salvation for the moment, it is not of the kind which could promise continued success. Fascism was an emergency makeshift. To view it as something more would be a fatal error.
Źródło: The Ultimate Foundation of Economic Science (1962), Chapter 5: On Some Popular Errors Concerning the Scope and Method of Economics, § 10 : The Concept of a Perfect System of Government
Kontekst: It is a double-edged makeshift to entrust an individual or a group of individuals with the authority to resort to violence. The enticement implied is too tempting for a human being. The men who are to protect the community against violent aggression easily turn into the most dangerous aggressors. They transgress their mandate. They misuse their power for the oppression of those whom they were expected to defend against oppression. The main political problem is how to prevent the police power from becoming tyrannical. This is the meaning of all the struggles for liberty.
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Liberalism
Źródło: Liberalism (1927), Ch. 1 : The Foundations of Liberal Policy § 10 : The Argument of Fascism
Kontekst: Repression by brute force is always a confession of the inability to make use of the better weapons of the intellect — better because they alone give promise of final success. This is the fundamental error from which Fascism suffers and which will ultimately cause its downfall. The victory of Fascism in a number of countries is only an episode in the long series of struggles over the problem of property. The next episode will be the victory of Communism. The ultimate outcome of the struggle, however, will not be decided by arms, but by ideas. It is ideas that group men into fighting factions, that press the weapons into their hands, and that determine against whom and for whom the weapons shall be used. It is they alone, and not arms, that, in the last analysis, turn the scales.
So much for the domestic policy of Fascism. That its foreign policy, based as it is on the avowed principle of force in international relations, cannot fail to give rise to an endless series of wars that must destroy all of modern civilization requires no further discussion. To maintain and further raise our present level of economic development, peace among nations must be assured. But they cannot live together in peace if the basic tenet of the ideology by which they are governed is the belief that one's own nation can secure its place in the community of nations by force alone.
It cannot be denied that Fascism and similar movements aiming at the establishment of dictatorships are full of the best intentions and that their intervention has, for the moment, saved European civilization. The merit that Fascism has thereby won for itself will live on eternally in history. But though its policy has brought salvation for the moment, it is not of the kind which could promise continued success. Fascism was an emergency makeshift. To view it as something more would be a fatal error.
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Ludzkie działanie
Źródło: Human Action (1949), Chapter XV. The Market, § 4 The Scope and Method of Catallactics
Źródło: Human Action: A Treatise on Economics
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Socialism
Part V : The Economics of a Socialist Community, § V : Destructionism, Ch. 33 : The Motive Powers of Destructionism, p. 440 http://www.econlib.org/library/Mises/msS12.html#V.34.35,Ch.33
Socialism (1922)
Mises' letter to Ayn Rand praising Atlas Shrugged,(23 January 1958), quoted in Mises: The Last Knight of Liberalism (2007).
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Ludzkie działanie
The Gold Standard http://mises.org/daily/4153 - LvMI, excerpt from chapter 17 of Human Action
Human Action (1949)
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Liberalism
Źródło: Liberalism (1927), Ch. 1 : The Foundations of Liberal Policy § 11. The Limits of Governmental Activity
Źródło: Omnipotent Government: The Rise of the Total State and Total War (1944), Chapter III: Etatism
The Free Market and Its Enemies, speech to the Foundation for Economic Education https://fee.org/library/books/the-free-market-and-its-enemies/ (1951)
“There were nowhere more docile disciples of Lenin, Trotsky and Stalin than the Nazis were.”
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Socialism
Socialism (1922), Epilogue (1947)
“The proof of a theory is in its reasoning, not in its sponsorship”
Theory of Money and Credit http://www.econlib.org/library/Mises/msT1.html (1912)
Źródło: http://www.econlib.org/library/Mises/msT2.html#I.5.12 | Theory of Money and Credit
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Socialism
Socialism (1922), Epilogue (1947)
Kontekst: In fact, however, the supporters of the welfare state are utterly anti-social and intolerant zealots. For their ideology tacitly implies that the government will exactly execute what they themselves deem right and beneficial. They entirely disregard the possibility that there could arise disagreement with regard to the question of what is right and expedient and what is not. They advocate enlightened despotism, but they are convinced that the enlightened despot will in every detail comply with their own opinion concerning the measures to be adopted. They favour planning, but what they have in mind is exclusively their own plan, not those of other people. They want to exterminate all opponents, that is, all those who disagree with them. They are utterly intolerant and are not prepared to allow any discussion. Every advocate of the welfare state and of planning is a potential dictator. What he plans is to deprive all other men of all their rights, and to establish his own and his friends' unrestricted omnipotence. He refuses to convince his fellow-citizens. He prefers to "liquidate" them. He scorns the "bourgeois" society that worships law and legal procedure. He himself worships violence and bloodshed.
Ludwig von Mises
książka
Liberalism
Źródło: Liberalism (1927), Ch. 1 : The Foundations of Liberal Policy § 10 : The Argument of Fascism
Kontekst: Repression by brute force is always a confession of the inability to make use of the better weapons of the intellect — better because they alone give promise of final success. This is the fundamental error from which Fascism suffers and which will ultimately cause its downfall. The victory of Fascism in a number of countries is only an episode in the long series of struggles over the problem of property. The next episode will be the victory of Communism. The ultimate outcome of the struggle, however, will not be decided by arms, but by ideas. It is ideas that group men into fighting factions, that press the weapons into their hands, and that determine against whom and for whom the weapons shall be used. It is they alone, and not arms, that, in the last analysis, turn the scales.
So much for the domestic policy of Fascism. That its foreign policy, based as it is on the avowed principle of force in international relations, cannot fail to give rise to an endless series of wars that must destroy all of modern civilization requires no further discussion. To maintain and further raise our present level of economic development, peace among nations must be assured. But they cannot live together in peace if the basic tenet of the ideology by which they are governed is the belief that one's own nation can secure its place in the community of nations by force alone.
It cannot be denied that Fascism and similar movements aiming at the establishment of dictatorships are full of the best intentions and that their intervention has, for the moment, saved European civilization. The merit that Fascism has thereby won for itself will live on eternally in history. But though its policy has brought salvation for the moment, it is not of the kind which could promise continued success. Fascism was an emergency makeshift. To view it as something more would be a fatal error.
