Noam Chomsky citations
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Noam Chomsky [ˈnəʊm ˈtʃɒmski] , né le 7 décembre 1928 à Philadelphie, est un linguiste américain. Professeur émérite de linguistique au Massachusetts Institute of Technology de 1955 à 2017, il fonde la linguistique générative. Il s'est fait connaître du grand public, à la fois dans son pays et à l'étranger, par son parcours d'intellectuel engagé de tendance socialiste libertaire et anarchiste,.

Chomsky commence à développer sa théorie de la grammaire générative et transformationnelle dans les années 1950 en cherchant à dépasser aussi bien l'approche structuraliste, distributionnaliste que comportementaliste dans l'étude du langage naturel. Visant à rendre compte des structures innées de la « faculté de langage », cette théorie est souvent décrite comme la contribution la plus importante dans le domaine de la linguistique théorique du XXe siècle et on a parfois parlé de « révolution chomskienne ». Pour répondre aux critiques développées dans les années 1970 envers son premier modèle, Chomsky a proposé au début des années 1980 une nouvelle version de sa théorie fondée sur une approche modulaire. Il a ensuite jeté les bases, au cours des années 1990, de ce qu'il a appelé le « programme minimaliste ».

Les recherches de Chomsky ont joué un rôle crucial dans ce que l'on appelle la « révolution cognitive ». Sa critique du Verbal Behavior de Burrhus Frederic Skinner en 1959 a remis en question l'approche comportementale de l'étude de l'esprit et du langage, qui dominait dans les années 1950. Son approche naturaliste de l'étude du langage a également rencontré un grand écho en philosophie du langage et de l'esprit. Il a également établi la hiérarchie de Chomsky, moyen de classification des langages formels en fonction de leur pouvoir de génération.

En parallèle à sa carrière scientifique, Chomsky mène une intense activité militante depuis le milieu des années 1960 lorsqu'il prend publiquement position contre la guerre du Viêt Nam. Sympathisant du mouvement anarcho-syndicaliste et membre du syndicat IWW, il donne une multitude de conférences un peu partout dans le monde et publie de nombreux livres et articles dans lesquels il fait part de ses analyses historiques, sociales et politiques. Ses critiques portent tout particulièrement sur la politique étrangère des États-Unis et le fonctionnement des médias de masse.

En 1992, d'après l'Arts and Humanities Citation Index, Chomsky est plus souvent cité qu'aucun autre universitaire vivant pendant la période 1980–92. Il occupe la huitième position dans la liste des auteurs les plus cités,,,. Il est considéré comme une figure intellectuelle majeure du monde contemporain, à la fois controversée et admirée,,. Wikipedia  

✵ 7. décembre 1928   •   Autres noms Avram Noam Chomsky, Ноам Чомский, Ноам Хомский
Noam Chomsky photo
Noam Chomsky: 371   citations 2   J'aime

Noam Chomsky citations célèbres

Noam Chomsky Citations

“Tout gouvernement a besoin d'effrayer sa population et une façon de faire est d'envelopper son fonctionnement de mystère.”

Comprendre le pouvoir. L'indispensable de Chomsky, 2006, Premier mouvement

“La propagande est à la démocratie ce que la matraque est à l'État totalitaire.”

Propaganda is to democracy what the bludgeon is to a totalitarian state.
en
Media Control, 1997

“Le monde ne récompense pas l'honnêteté et l'indépendance, il récompense l'obéissance et la servilité.”

Comprendre le pouvoir. L'indispensable de Chomsky, 2006, Deuxième mouvement

“Pour les puissants, les seuls crimes sont ceux que les autres commettent.”

La Doctrine des bonnes intentions, 2006

“Être un intellectuel n'a virtuellement rien à voir avec le fait de travailler avec son cerveau, ce sont des choses différentes.”

Comprendre le pouvoir. L'indispensable de Chomsky, 2006, Premier mouvement

Noam Chomsky: Citations en anglais

“Now, under the very confused circumstances of KAL 007, if that was the worst atrocity in human history, well, what about the freedom fighters that we support along with South Africa, who did something much worse?”

Quotes 1960s-1980s, 1980s, Talk at University of California, Berkeley, 1984
Contexte: On September 1st of last year, the Soviet Union shot down Korean KAL 007, killing 269 people, and the immediate response here was that this proves that the Russians are the most barbaric people since Attila the Hun or something, and therefore we have to step up the attack against Nicaragua, set in MX missiles, put Pershings in West Germany, and increase the military system.… The story was given unbelievable coverage. Not only the story, but the American government interpretation of it, which is roughly what I've just said, was given the kind of coverage that I doubt has ever been given to any story in history.… Right in the middle of all of this furor about the Korean airliner, on November 11th in fact, there was a 100 word item in the New York Times devoted to the interesting fact that UNITA—which is a group that we call "freedom fighters", supported by us and South Africa, in Angola—they took credit for shooting down a civilian Angolan jet, killing 126 people.… Now, under the very confused circumstances of KAL 007, if that was the worst atrocity in human history, well, what about the freedom fighters that we support along with South Africa, who did something much worse?

“…evidence-based approach, the U. S. negotiators argued, is interference with free markets, because corporations must have the right to deceive. […] The claim itself is kind of amusing, I mean, even if you believe the free market rhetoric for a moment. The main purpose of advertising is to undermine markets. If you go to graduate school and you take a course in economics, you learn that markets are systems in which informed consumers make rational choices. That's what's so wonderful about it. But that's the last thing that the state corporate system wants. It is spending huge sums to prevent that, which brings us back to the viability of American democracy. For many years, elections here, election campaigns, have been run by the public relations industry and each time it's with increasing sophistication. And quite naturally, the industry uses the same technique to sell candidates that it uses to sell toothpaste or lifestyle drugs. The point is to undermine markets by projecting imagery to delude and suppressing information, and similarly, to undermine democracy by the same method, projecting imagery to delude and suppressing information. The candidates are trained, carefully trained, to project a certain image. Intellectuals like to make fun of George Bush's use of phrases like “misunderestimate,” and so on, but my strong suspicion is that he's trained to do that. He's carefully trained to efface the fact that he's a spoiled frat boy from Yale, and to look like a Texas roughneck kind of ordinary guy just like you, just waiting to get back to the ranch that they created for him…”

25th anniversary of the International Relations Center in Santa Fe, New Mexico, January 26, 2005
Quotes 2000s, 2005

“Powers and Prospects: Reflections on Human Nature and the Social Order.”

London: Pluto, 1996.
Quotes 1990s, 1995-1999, Powers and Prospects (1996)

“The Crisis, the civilizational crisis of the West at this point is devastating... it does bring up childhood memories of listening to Hitler raving on the radio to raucous crowds... it makes you wonder if this species is even viable.”

Noam Chomsky: Coronavirus - What is at stake? https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t-N3In2rLI4 | Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25) Mar 28, 2020
Quotes 2010s, 2020, Coronavirus - What is at stake?

“I have a parrot. It can say 'sovereignty to all the people' in Portuguese.”

Noam Chomsky: Coronavirus - What is at stake? https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t-N3In2rLI4 | Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25) Mar 28, 2020
Quotes 2010s, 2020, Coronavirus - What is at stake?

“As the most powerful state, the U.S. makes its own laws, using force and conducting economic warfare at will. It also threatens sanctions against countries that do not abide by its conveniently flexible notions of "free trade."”

In one important case, Washington has employed such threats with great effectiveness (and GATT approval) to force open Asian markets for U.S. tobacco exports and advertising, aimed primarily at the growing markets of women and children. The U.S. Agriculture Department has provided grants to tobacco firms to promote smoking overseas. Asian countries have attempted to conduct educational anti-smoking campaigns, but they are overwhelmed by the miracles of the market, reinforced by U.S. state power through the sanctions threat. Philip Morris, with an advertising and promotion budget of close to $9 billion in 1992, became China's largest advertiser. The effect of Reaganite sanction threats was to increase advertising and promotion of cigarette smoking (particularly U.S. brands) quite sharply in Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea, along with the use of these lethal substances. In South Korea, for example, the rate of growth in smoking more than tripled when markets for U.S. lethal drugs were opened in 1988. The Bush Administration extended the threats to Thailand, at exactly the same time that the "war on drugs" was declared; the media were kind enough to overlook the coincidence, even suppressing the outraged denunciations by the very conservative Surgeon-General. Oxford University epidemiologist Richard Peto estimates that among Chinese children under 20 today, 50 million will die of cigarette-related diseases, an achievement that ranks high even by 20th century standards.

In Tony Evans (ed.), Human Rights Fifty Years on: A Reappraisal, 1997 https://chomsky.info/199811__/
Quotes 1990s, 1995–1999

“Non-violent resistance activities cannot succeed against an enemy that is able freely to use violence. That's pretty obvious. You can't have non-violent resistance against the Nazis in a concentration camp, to take an extreme case...”

Chronicles of Dissent, December 13, 1989 https://web.archive.org/web/20000829081348/http://www.zmag.org/chomsky/interviews/db-8912.html
Quotes 1960s–1980s, 1980s

“The uniformity and obedience of the media, which any dictator would admire, [...]”

Turning the Tide: U.S. Intervention in Central America and the Struggle for Peace, 1985, p. 275

Commonly rephrased as: "Any dictator would admire the uniformity and obedience of the [U.S.] media."
Quotes 1960s–1980s, 1980s

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