John Fitzgerald Kennedy cytaty

strona 16

„Thomas Power: Trzeba zabić drani. Jeśli po wojnie zostanie dwoje Amerykanów i jeden Rosjanin, to wygraliśmy.
John F. Kennedy: Lepiej niech się pan upewni, że będą to mężczyzna i kobieta.”

„Musimy używać czasu jako narzędzia, nie jako leżanki.”

„Istnieje prawdopodobnie jeden tylko sposób, aby zapobiec przedwczesnemu rozgłaszaniu naszych decyzji, a mianowicie: nie podejmować żadnych decyzji.”

„Jestem przekonany, że nasz naród powinien postawić sobie za cel, aby do końca tego dziesięciolecia umieścić człowieka na Księżycu i sprowadzić go bezpiecznie z powrotem na Ziemię.”

„Nie pytajcie, co kraj może zrobić dla was; pytajcie, co wy możecie zrobić dla kraju.”

„Sama broń nie wystarcza, by utrzymać w świecie pokój. Najważniejsi są ludzie.”

„Wolność boryka się z licznymi trudnościami, a demokracja nie jest doskonała, ale my nigdy nie musieliśmy wznosić muru, by zatrzymać naszych ludzi.”

„Czy jest jakakolwiek dziedzina, w której możemy zamanifestować naszą przewagę? Czy ktoś może mi powiedzieć, jak ich doścignąć? Chętnie wysłucham wszystkich, którzy mają jakiś pomysł, nawet gdyby miał to być woźny. W tej chwili nie ma nic ważniejszego.”

„O jakim pokoju myślę? Jakiego pokoju poszukujemy? Nie Pax Americana narzuconego światu przez amerykańską broń. Przemyślmy nasz stosunek do Związku Radzieckiego. Smutne, że aż tyle nas dzieli. Jednak, skoro już musimy się różnić, przynajmniej zróbmy coś, by uczynić świat bezpieczniejszym miejscem dla różnorodności, gdyż w ostatecznym rachunku wiele nas łączy. Wszyscy zamieszkujemy tę małą planetę, oddychamy tym samym powietrzem, zależy nam na przyszłości naszych dzieci i wszyscy jesteśmy śmiertelni.”

„Sprawdzianem naszej godności narodowej będzie to, czy potrafimy przyzwyczaić się do myśli, że rokowania nie są konfliktami, w których chodzi o zwycięstwo lub klęskę.”

„O wiele lepiej jest spotkać się na szczycie niż nad brzegiem przepaści.”

„Nigdy nie należy przystępować do negocjacji ze strachu i nigdy nie należy się bać negocjować.”

„Mojemu następcy dam radę, żeby uważał na generałów. To, że są wojskowymi, nie oznacza, że ich opinie w sprawach wojskowych mają jakąkolwiek wartość.”

„Ktokolwiek wierzy w sprawiedliwość na świecie, ten jest fałszywie poinformowany.”

„Jeżeli wolne społeczeństwo nie jest w stanie pomóc ubogiej większości, to nie ochroni też garstki bogaczy.”

„Wszystkie nasze wysiłki muszą zmierzać do tego, abyśmy dotarli na Księżyc przed Rosjanami. W innym wypadku nie widzę potrzeby wydatkowania takich kwot, bo kosmos jako taki niewiele mnie obchodzi. W grę wchodzą gigantyczne kwoty. Nadwerężyliśmy nasz budżet, a jedynym tego uzasadnieniem jest osiągnięcie rezultatu w takim czasie, o jaki proszę.”

„Łatwo jest wygłaszać ostre przemówienia, szczególnie tym, którzy nie muszą ponosić odpowiedzialności.”

„Do krajów, które mogłyby wystąpić przeciw nam, zwracamy się nie z prośbą, lecz z żądaniem: zacznijmy dążyć do pokoju zanim ciemne moce zniszczenia spuszczone przez naukowców z łańcucha popchnął ludzkość w stronę planowanej lub przypadkowej samozagłady.”

„Gdybym wiedział, co mnie czeka – głosowałbym na Nixona.”

„Teraz dźwięk trąbki przyzywa nas ponownie, nie jako zew broni, choć broni nam potrzeba, nie jako zew boju, choć w boju trwamy, lecz jako wezwanie do znoszenia ciężaru długich zmagań w półmroku – rok za rokiem, „weseląc się nadzieją i będąc cierpliwymi w ucisku” – do znoszenia zmagań z powszechnymi wrogami człowieka: tyranią, biedą, chorobą i samą wojną.”

„Nie módlcie się o łatwe życie. Módlcie się, żebyście byli silniejszymi ludźmi.”

„Od tych, którzy wiele dostają, wiele się wymaga.”

„Całe życie wiedziałem, że nie należy polegać na ekspertach. Jak mogłem być tak głupim, żeby im na to pozwolić?”

„Ludzkość musi położyć kres wojnie, bo inaczej wojna położy kres ludzkości.”

„Zdecydowaliśmy się w ciągu nadchodzących dziesięciu lat polecieć na Księżyc i dokonać innych rzeczy nie dlatego, że są łatwe, ale właśnie dlatego, że są trudne, a przez to zmuszą nas do lepszej organizacji i wykorzystania wszystkich naszych umiejętności (…).”

„Amerykanin lubi mieć do czynienia z wielką łatwizną albo z niebosiężnymi trudnościami; kiedy trzeba być pośrodku, zaczynają się z nim kłopoty.”

„Nie można mówić o wolności na świecie, dopóki choć jeden kraj będzie jej pozbawiony.”

„Czy uważa pan, że powinienem przeznaczyć te miliardy na bardziej przyziemne potrzeby, takie jak służba zdrowia, edukacja czy opieka społeczna? Niestety nie mamy tu wielkiego wyboru. Od tej sprawy zależy prestiż naszego państwa.”

„Mur jest najbardziej oczywistą i widoczną demonstracją fiaska systemu komunistycznego.”

„Nieprzyjemne prawdy są zawsze lepsze od przyjemnych złudzeń.”

„Jedyną niezmienną pewnością jest to, że nic nie jest pewne ani niezmienne.”

“Too large a tax cut, of course, could result in inflation and insufficient future revenues--but the greatest danger is a tax cut too little or too late to be effective.”

“I am talking about the accumulated evidence of the last 5 years that our present tax system, developed as it was, in good part, during World War II to restrain growth, exerts too heavy a drag on growth in peace time; that it siphons out of the private economy too large a share of personal and business purchasing power; that it reduces the financial incentives for personal effort, investment, and risk-taking. In short, to increase demand and lift the economy, the Federal Government's most useful role is not to rush into a program of excessive increases in public expenditures, but to expand the incentives and opportunities for private expenditures. [...] While rising demand will expand imports, new investment in more efficient productive facilities will aid exports and a new economic climate could both draw capital from abroad and keep capital here at home.”

“The final and best means of strengthening demand among consumers and business is to reduce the burden on private income and the deterrents to private initiative which are imposed by our present tax system; and this administration pledged itself last summer to an across-the-board, top-to-bottom cut in personal and corporate income taxes to be enacted and become effective in 1963.”

“There are a number of ways by which the Federal Government can meet its responsibilities to aid economic growth. We can and must improve American education and technical training. We can and must expand civilian research and technology. One of the great bottlenecks for this country's economic growth in this decade will be the shortage of doctorates in mathematics, engineering, and physics; a serious shortage with a great demand and an under-supply of highly trained manpower. We can and must step up the development of our natural resources. But the most direct and significant kind of Federal action aiding economic growth is to make possible an increase in private consumption and investment demand--to cut the fetters which hold back private spending. In the past, this could be done in part by the increased use of credit and monetary tools, but our balance of payments situation today places limits on our use of those tools for expansion. It could also be done by increasing Federal expenditures more rapidly than necessary, but such a course would soon demoralize both the Government and our economy. If Government is to retain the confidence of the people, it must not spend more than can be justified on grounds of national need or spent with maximum efficiency.”

“There is no need for us to be satisfied with a rate of growth that keeps good men out of work and good capacity out of use.”

“But a leading nation, a nation upon which all depend not only in this country but around the world, cannot afford to be satisfied, to look back or to pause. On our strength and growth depend the strength of others, the spread of free world trade and unity, and continued confidence in our leadership and our currency. The underdeveloped countries are dependent upon us for the sale of their primary commodities and for aid to their struggling economies. In short, a prosperous and growing America is important not only to Americans--it is, as the spokesman for 20 Western nations in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, as he stressed this week, of vital importance to the entire Western World.”

“Less than a month ago this Nation reminded the world that it possessed both the will and the weapons to meet any threat to the security of free men. The gains we have made will not be given up, and the course that we have pursued will not be abandoned. But in the long run, that security will not be determined by military or diplomatic moves alone. It will be affected by the decisions of finance ministers as well as by the decisions of Secretaries of State and Secretaries of Defense; by the deployment of fiscal and monetary weapons as well as by military weapons; and above all by the strength of this Nation's economy as well as by the strength of our defenses.”

“I have not asked for a single program which did not cause one or all Americans some inconvenience, or some hardship, or some sacrifice. But they have responded-and you in the Congress have responded to your duty--and I feel confident in asking today for a similar response to these new and larger demands. It is heartening to know, as I journey abroad, that our country is united in its commitment to freedom-and is ready to do its duty.”

“Finally, our greatest asset in this struggle is the American people--their willingness to pay the price for these programs--to understand and accept a long struggle--to share their resources with other less fortunate people-to meet the tax levels and close the tax loopholes I have requested--to exercise self-restraint instead of pushing up wages or prices, or over-producing certain crops, or spreading military secrets, or urging unessential expenditures or improper monopolies or harmful work stoppages--to serve in the Peace Corps or the Armed Services or the Federal Civil Service or the Congress--to strive for excellence in their schools, in their cities and in their physical fitness and that of their children--to take part in Civil Defense-to pay higher postal rates, and higher payroll taxes and higher teachers' salaries, in order to strengthen our society--to show friendship to students and visitors from other lands who visit us and go back in many cases to be the future leaders, with an image of America--and I want that image, and I know you do, to be affirmative and positive-and, finally, to practice democracy at home, in all States, with all races, to respect each other and to protect the Constitutional rights of all citizens.”

“In conclusion, let me emphasize one point: that we are determined, as a nation in 1961 that freedom shall survive and succeed--and whatever the peril and set-backs, we have some very large advantages. The first is the simple fact that we are on the side of liberty--and since the beginning of history, and particularly since the end of the Second World War, liberty has been winning out all over the globe. A second great asset is that we are not alone. We have friends and allies all over the world who share our devotion to freedom. [...] A third asset is our desire for peace. It is sincere, and I believe the world knows it. [...] Yet it is important to know that our patience at the bargaining table is nearly inexhaustible, though our credulity is limited-that our hopes for peace are unfailing, while our determination to protect our security is resolute.”

“It is a most important decision that we make as a nation. But all of you have lived through the last four years and have seen the significance of space and the adventures in space, and no one can predict with certainty what the ultimate meaning will be of mastery of space. I believe we should go to the moon. But I think every citizen of this country as well as the Members of the Congress should consider the matter carefully in making their judgment, to which we have given attention over many weeks and months, because it is a heavy burden, and there is no sense in agreeing or desiring that the United States take an affirmative position in outer space, unless we are prepared to do the work and bear the burdens to make it successful. If we are not, we should decide today and this year.”

“I cannot end this discussion of defense and armaments without emphasizing our strongest hope: the creation of an orderly world where disarmament will be possible. Our aims do not prepare for war--they are efforts to discourage and resist the adventures of others that could end in war.”

“Military and economic assistance has been a heavy burden on our citizens for a long time, and I recognize the strong pressures against it; but this battle is far from over, it is reaching a crucial stage, and I believe we should participate in it. We cannot merely state our opposition to totalitarian advance without paying the price of helping those now under the greatest pressure.”

“This Administration has been looking hard at exactly what civil defense can and cannot do. It cannot be obtained cheaply. It cannot give an assurance of blast protection that will be proof against surprise attack or guaranteed against obsolescence or destruction. And it cannot deter a nuclear attack. We will deter an enemy from making a nuclear attack only if our retaliatory power is so strong and so invulnerable that he knows he would be destroyed by our response. If we have that strength, civil defense is not needed to deter an attack. If we should ever lack it, civil defense would not be an adequate substitute. But this deterrent concept assumes rational calculations by rational men. And the history of this planet, and particularly the history of the 20th century, is sufficient to remind us of the possibilities of an irrational attack, a miscalculation, an accidental war, for a war of escalation in which the stakes by each side gradually increase to the point of maximum danger which cannot be either foreseen or deterred. It is on this basis that civil defense can be readily justifiable--as insurance for the civilian population in case of an enemy miscalculation. It is insurance we trust will never be needed--but insurance which we could never forgive ourselves for foregoing in the event of catastrophe. Once the validity of this concept is recognized, there is no point in delaying the initiation of a nation-wide long-range program of identifying present fallout shelter capacity and providing shelter in new and existing structures. Such a program would protect millions of people against the hazards of radioactive fallout in the event of large-scale nuclear attack. Effective performance of the entire program not only requires new legislative authority and more funds, but also sound organizational arrangements.”

“The main burden of local defense against local attack, subversion, insurrection or guerrilla warfare must of necessity rest with local forces. Where these forces have the necessary will and capacity to cope with such threats, our intervention is rarely necessary or helpful. Where the will is present and only capacity is lacking, our Military Assistance Program can be of help. But this program, like economic assistance, needs a new emphasis. It cannot be extended without regard to the social, political and military reforms essential to internal respect and stability. The equipment and training provided must be tailored to legitimate local needs and to our own foreign and military policies, not to our supply of military stocks or a local leader's desire for military display. And military assistance can, in addition to its military purposes, make a contribution to economic progress, as do our own Army Engineers.”

“I look forward to a great future for America - a future in which our country will match its military strength with our moral restraint, its wealth with our wisdom, its power with our purpose.”

“Let us resolve to be masters, not the victims, of our history, controlling our own destiny without giving way to blind suspicions and emotions.”

“When written in Chinese, the word 'crisis' is composed of two characters. One represents danger and the other represents opportunity.”