Theodore Roosevelt cytaty
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Theodore Roosevelt – amerykański polityk, dwudziesty szósty prezydent USA , laureat Pokojowej Nagrody Nobla za rok 1906. Wikipedia  

✵ 27. Październik 1858 – 6. Styczeń 1919   •   Natępne imiona Teddy Rosevelt, Teddy Roosevelt
Theodore Roosevelt Fotografia
Theodore Roosevelt: 460   Cytatów 15   Polubień

Theodore Roosevelt słynne cytaty

„Rób to, co możesz, tym, co posiadasz, i tam, gdzie jesteś.”

Do what you can, with what you have, where you are. (ang.)

To tłumaczenie czeka na recenzję. Czy to jest poprawne?

„Największą nagrodą jaką daje nam życie, jest możliwość ciężkiej i wartościowej pracy.”

Far and away the best prize that life has to offer is the chance to work hard at work worth doing. (ang.)
Źródło: podczas swojej mowy w New York State Agricultural Association, Syracuse, Nowy Jork, 7 wrzesień 1903.

„Mów łagodnie i miej przy sobie gruby kij, a zajdziesz daleko.”

Speak softly and carry a big stick; you will go far.
Źródło: wystąpienie na Minnesota State Fair (2 września 1901), cyt. za: Przemysław Damski, Teddy Bear i Teddy R. – pluszowy miś i amerykański prezydent, histmag.org, 25 listopada 2012 http://histmag.org/Teddy-Bear-i-Teddy-R.-pluszowy-mis-i-amerykanski-prezydent-7337

Theodore Roosevelt cytaty

„Ten młody człowiek nie jest dżentelmenem. Nie raczy wstać, kiedy dama wchodzi do pokoju.”

o Winstonie Churchillu.
Źródło: Paul Johnson, Bohaterowie, wyd. Świat Książki, Warszawa, 2009, tłum. Anna i Jacek Maziarscy, s. 247

„Mogę być prezydentem Stanów Zjednoczonych albo mogę kontrolować Alicję. Obu tym rzeczom nie mogę podołać.”

gdy przyjaciel poprosił, by bardziej kontrolował Alicję, swą córkę.

„Uważam, że są bardzo krótkowzroczni, skoro nie rozumieją, że utrącenie jej oznacza wzmocnienie ruchu na rzecz upaństwowienia kolei.”

w liście do Henry’ego Lodge’a o lobbystach reprezentujących spółki kolejowe, którzy sprzeciwiali się ustawie regulującej ich działalność.
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 455.

„Takie decyzje ogromnie zwiększają siłę Partii Socjalistycznej!”

gdy w 1911 Sąd Najwyższy stwierdził, że nowojorskie przepisy regulujące odszkodowania dla robotników są niezgodne z konstytucją.
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 458.

„Rezygnacja z aneksji Hawajów była zbrodnią przeciwko białej cywilizacji. Wszystkie wielkie rasy panujące były waleczne (…). Żadne pokojowe zwycięstwo nie może się równać z triumfem wojennym.”

w przemówieniu do marynarzy, gdy w 1893 Senat USA odrzucił decyzję prezydenta Benjamina Harrisona o aneksji Hawajów.
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 392.

„Mówiąc między nami (…), z radością powitałbym niemal każdą wojnę, myślę bowiem, że ten kraj jej potrzebuje.”

w liście do przyjaciela z 1897 roku.
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 388.

„Moim zamiarem jest być skrajnie konserwatywnym, lecz w interesie samych korporacji i ponad wszystko w interesie kraju.”

w liście do szwagra z Wall Street.
Źródło: Howard Zinn, Ludowa historia Stanów Zjednoczonych. Od roku 1492 do dziś, tłum. Andrzej Wojtasik, Wyd. Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2016, s. 455.

Theodore Roosevelt: Cytaty po angielsku

“We must treat each man on his worth and merits as a man. We must see that each is given a square deal, because he is entitled to no more and should receive no less.”

1900s, A Square Deal (1903)
Kontekst: It is not enough to be well-meaning and kindly, but weak; neither is it enough to be strong, unless morality and decency go hand in hand with strength. We must possess the qualities which make us do our duty in our homes and among our neighbors, and in addition we must possess the qualities which are indispensable to the make-up of every great and masterful nation -- the qualities of courage and hardihood, of individual initiative and yet of power to combine for a common end, and above all, the resolute determination to permit no man and no set of men to sunder us one from the other by lines of caste or creed or section. We must act upon the motto of all for each and each for all. There must be ever present in our minds the fundamental truth that in a republic such as ours the only safety is to stand neither for nor against any man because he is rich or because he is poor, because he is engaged in one occupation or another, because he works with his brains or because he works with his hands. We must treat each man on his worth and merits as a man. We must see that each is given a square deal, because he is entitled to no more and should receive no less.

“Malefactors of great wealth.”

Phrase first used in a speech at Provincetown, Massachusetts (20 August 1907)
1900s

“The large corporations, commonly called trusts, though organized in one State, always do business in many States, often doing very little business in the State where they are incorporated. There is utter lack of uniformity in the State laws about them; and as no State has any exclusive interest in or power over their acts, it has in practice proved impossible to get adequate regulation through State action. Therefore, in the interest of the whole people, the Nation should, without interfering with the power of the States in the matter itself, also assume power of supervision and regulation over all corporations doing an interstate business. This is especially true where the corporation derives a portion of its wealth from the existence of some monopolistic element or tendency in its business. There would be no hardship in such supervision; banks are subject to it, and in their case it is now accepted as a simple matter of course. Indeed, it is probable that supervision of corporations by the National Government need not go so far as is now the case with the supervision exercised over them by so conservative a State as Massachusetts, in order to produce excellent results. When the Constitution was adopted, at the end of the eighteenth century, no human wisdom could foretell the sweeping changes, alike in industrial and political conditions, which were to take place by the beginning of the twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as a matter of course that the several States were the proper authorities to regulate, so far as was then necessary, the comparatively insignificant and strictly localized corporate bodies of the day. The conditions are now wholly different and wholly different action is called for. I believe that a law can be framed which will enable the National Government to exercise control along the lines above indicated; profiting by the experience gained through the passage and administration of the Interstate-Commerce Act. If, however, the judgment of the Congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass such an act, then a constitutional amendment should be submitted to confer the power.”

1900s, First Annual Message to Congress (1901)

“Conservation means development as much as it does protection. I recognize the right and duty of this generation to develop and use the natural resources of our land; but I do not recognize the right to waste them, or to rob, by wasteful use, the generations that come after us.”

1910s, The New Nationalism (1910)
Kontekst: Conservation means development as much as it does protection. I recognize the right and duty of this generation to develop and use the natural resources of our land; but I do not recognize the right to waste them, or to rob, by wasteful use, the generations that come after us. I ask nothing of the nation except that it so behave as each farmer here behaves with reference to his own children. That farmer is a poor creature who skins the land and leaves it worthless to his children. The farmer is a good farmer who, having enabled the land to support himself and to provide for the education of his children, leaves it to them a little better than he found it himself. I believe the same thing of a nation.

“I believe with all my heart in athletics, in sport, and have always done as much thereof as my limited capacity and my numerous duties would permit; but I believe in bodily vigor chiefly because I believe in the spirit that lies back of it. If a boy can not go into athletics because he is not physically able to, that does not count in the least against him. He may be just as much of a man in after life as if he could, because it is not physical address but the moral quality behind it which really counts. But if he has the physical ability and keeps out because he is afraid, because he is lazy, because he is a mollycoddle, then I haven't any use for him. If he has not the right spirit, the spirit which makes him scorn self-indulgence, timidity and mere ease, that is if he has not the spirit which normally stands at the base of physical hardihood, physical prowess, then that boy does not amount to much, and he is not ordinarily going to amount to much in after life. Of course, there are people with special abilities so great as to outweigh even defects like timidity and laziness, but the man who makes the Republic what it is, if he has not courage, the capacity to show prowess, the desire for hardihood; if he has not the scorn of mere ease, the scorn of pain, the scorn of discomfort (all of them qualities that go to make a man's worth on an eleven or a nine or an eight); if he has not something of that sort in him then the lack is so great that it must be amply atoned for, more than amply atoned for, in other ways, or his usefulness to the community will be small. So I believe heartily in physical prowess, in the sports that go to make physical prowess. I believe in them not only because of the amusement and pleasure they bring, but because I think they are useful. Yet I think you had a great deal better never go into them than to go into them with the idea that they are the chief end even of school or college; still more of life.”

1900s, Address at the Prize Day Exercises at Groton School (1904)

“I don't think any President ever enjoyed himself more than I did. Moreover, I don't think any ex-President ever enjoyed himself more.”

University of Cambridge, England http://www.trsite.org/content/pages/speaking-loudly (26 May 1910)
1910s

“There can be no greater issue than that of conservation in this country.”

Confession of Faith Speech, Progressive National Convention, Chicago http://www.bartleby.com/55/5.html (6 August 1912)
1910s

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