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Michael Collins (politique) cytaty

Michael Collins, irl. Mícheál Eoin Ó Coileáin – irlandzki przywódca rewolucyjny i polityk, założyciel i przywódca IRA.

W kwietniu 1916 był uczestnikiem powstania wielkanocnego, następnie został internowany w brytyjskim obozie jenieckim Frongoch na terenie Walii.

Był członkiem delegacji irlandzkiej podczas anglo-irlandzkich negocjacji pokojowych w 1921 , zaś od 1922 szefem rządu tymczasowego i naczelnym wodzem armii irlandzkiej. Collins był ministrem finansów Wolnego Państwa Irlandzkiego oraz twórcą zasad wojny partyzanckiej, która zmusiła Anglików do zawarcia rozejmu. Był to pierwszy w historii Irlandii rozejm w jej siedmiusetletnim okresie dominium brytyjskiego.

Collins zginął w zamachu 22 sierpnia 1922, we wsi Béal na mBláth, podczas irlandzkiej wojny domowej, w zasadzce przygotowanej przez odłam IRA przeciwny Traktatowi i proponowanemu w nim podziałowi Irlandii.

W 1996 Neil Jordan nakręcił o nim film biograficzny, a w rolę tytułowego bohatera wcielił się Liam Neeson. Wikipedia  

✵ 16. Październik 1890 – 22. Sierpień 1922
Michael Collins (politique) Fotografia
Michael Collins (politique): 12   Cytatów 3   Polubienia

Michael Collins (politique) słynne cytaty

„Daliśmy Irlandii szansę, ale czy ktoś to doceni? Myślę, że podpisałem na siebie wyrok śmierci.”

Michael Collins (politique)

zapisane 6 grudnia 1921, kilka godzin po podpisaniu traktatu angielsko-irlandzkiego, kończącego irlandzką wojnę o niepodległość, który ustanawiał Wolne Państwo Irlandzkie, ale mające zostać brytyjskim dominium.
Źródło: Marcin Bielesz, Ojcobójstwo Irlandzkiej Armii Republikańskiej, „Ale Historia”, w: „Gazeta Wyborcza”, 23 lipca 2012.

„Lord Fitzalan (brytyjski wicekról Irlandii): Spóźnił się pan siedem minut, panie Collins.
Michael Collins: Kazaliście nam czekać na tę chwilę 700 lat.”

Michael Collins (politique)

w 1922 na zamku w Dublinie podczas formalnego przejęcia władzy od brytyjskiej administracji przez Wolne Państwo Irlandzkie.
Źródło: Marcin Bielesz, Ojcobójstwo Irlandzkiej Armii Republikańskiej, „Ale Historia”, w: „Gazeta Wyborcza”, 23 lipca 2012.

„Macie być szybcy i brutalni. Tylko terrorem można wykurzyć Angoli.”

Michael Collins (politique)

instruując podwładnych, 1919.
Źródło: Marcin Bielesz, Ojcobójstwo Irlandzkiej Armii Republikańskiej, „Ale Historia”, w: „Gazeta Wyborcza”, 23 lipca 2012.

Michael Collins (politique): Cytaty po angielsku

“There is a simple test. Those who are left in possession of the battlefield have won”

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Michael Collins (Irish leader)

Kontekst: The Treaty is already vindicating itself. The English Die-hards said to Mr. Lloyd George and his Cabinet: "You have surrendered". Our own Die-hards said to us: "You have surrendered". There is a simple test. Those who are left in possession of the battlefield have won.

“We are a small nation. Our military strength in proportion to the mighty armaments of modern nations can never be considerable. Our strength as a nation will depend upon our economic freedom, and upon our moral and intellectual force. In these we can become a shining light in the world.”

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Michael Collins (Irish leader)

A Path to Freedom (2010), p. 64

“In my opinion it gives us freedom, not the ultimate freedom that all nations desire and develop to, but the freedom to achieve it”

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Michael Collins (Irish leader)

Regarding the Anglo-Irish Treaty during a parliamentary debate ( Dáil Éireann - Volume T - 19 December, 1921 (DEBATE ON TREATY) http://historical-debates.oireachtas.ie/D/DT/D.T.192112190002.html)
Kontekst: Now as one of the signatories of the document I naturally recommend its acceptance. I do not recommend it for more than it is. Equally I do not recommend it for less than it is. In my opinion it gives us freedom, not the ultimate freedom that all nations desire and develop to, but the freedom to achieve it.

“We have to learn that freedom imposes responsibilities”

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Michael Collins (Irish leader)

A Path to Freedom (2010), p. 14
Kontekst: There is no British Government anymore in Ireland. It is gone. It is no longer the enemy. We have now a native government, constitutionally elected, and it is the duty of every Irish man and woman to obey it. Anyone who fails to obey is an enemy of the people and must expect to be treated as such. We have to learn that attitudes and actions which were justifiable when directed against alien administration, holding its position by force, are wholly unjustifiable against a native government which exists only to carry out the people's will, and can be changed the moment it ceases to do so. We have to learn that freedom imposes responsibilities.

“The European War, which began in 1914, is now generally recognized to have been a war between two rival empires, an old one and a new, the new becoming such a successful rival of the old, commercially and militarily, that the world-stage was, or was thought to be, not large enough for both. Germany spoke frankly of her need for expansion, and for new fields of enterprise for her surplus population. England, who likes to fight under a high-sounding title, got her opportunity in the invasion of Belgium. She was entering the war 'in defense of the freedom of small nationalities'. America at first looked on, but she accepted the motive in good faith, and she ultimately joined in as the champion of the weak against the strong. She concentrated attention upon the principle of self-determination and the reign of law based upon the consent of the governed. "Shall", asked President Wilson, "the military power of any small nation, or group of nations, be suffered to determine the fortunes of peoples over whom they have no right to rule except the right of force?" But the most flagrant instance of violation of this principle did not seem to strike the imagination of President Wilson, and he led the American nation- peopled so largely by Irish men and women who had fled from British oppression- into the battle and to the side of the nation that for hundreds of years had determined the fortunes of the Irish people against their wish, and had ruled them, and was still ruling them, by no other right than the right of force.”

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Michael Collins (Irish leader)

A Path to Freedom (2010), p. 38

“How could one argue with a man who was always drawing lines and circles to explain the position; who, one day, drew a diagram [here Michael illustrated with pen and paper] saying 'take a point A, draw a straight line to point B, now three-fourths of the way up the line take a point C. The straight line AB is the road to the Republic; C is where we have got to along the road, we canot move any further along the straight road to our goal B; take a point out there, D [off the line AB]. Now if we bend the line a bit from C to D then we can bend it a little further, to another point E and if we can bend it to CE that will get us around Cathal Brugha which is what we want!”

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Michael Collins (Irish leader)

How could you talk to a man like that?
Referring to Eamon de Valera in conversation with Michael Hayes, at the debates over the Anglo-Irish Treaty in 1921
Michael Hayes Papers, P53/299, UCDA
Quoted in Doherty, Gabriel and Keogh, Dermot (2006). Michael Collins and the Making of the Irish State. Mercier Press, p. 153.

“When you have sweated, toiled, had mad dreams, hopeless nightmares, you find yourself in London's streets, cold and dank in the night air. Think — what have I got for Ireland? Something which she has wanted these past seven hundred years. Will anyone be satisfied at the bargain? Will anyone? I tell you this; early this morning I signed my death warrant. I thought at the time how odd, how ridiculous — a bullet may just as well have done the job five years ago.”

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Michael Collins (Irish leader)

Liam, Cathal (2006). Blood on the Shamrock: A Novel of Ireland's Continued Struggle for Freedom 1921-1924. St. Padraic Press, p. 194.

“Our army, if it exists for honorable purposes only, will draw to it honorable men. It will call to it the best men of our race- men of skill and culture. It will not be recruited as so many modern nations are, from those who are industrially useless.”

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Michael Collins (Irish leader)

A Path to Freedom (2010), p. 64

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