Henry Giroux cytaty

Henry A. Giroux – amerykański pedagog i socjolog. Twórca Ośrodka Edukacji i Studiów Kulturowych w Department of Educational Leadership Uniwersytetu w Miami.

W 1977 uzyskał doktorat na Carnegie-Mellon, w latach 1977–1983 wykładał pedagogikę na Boston University. W 1983 został profesorem na Miami University w Oxford, Ohio. W latach 1992–2004 był wykładowcą na Penn State University.

Henry Giroux jest znanym specjalistą w zakresie badań nad kulturą, pedagogiką krytyczną, teorią programów kształcenia i socjologią wychowania. W swoich publikacjach poddaje krytyce współczesny system szkolnictwa wraz z jej tradycyjnym nauczaniem. Zajmuje się teorią szkoły, w której bada nie tylko tradycyjne zależności pomiędzy nauczaniem a uczeniem się, ale również dynamiczny wpływ m.in. kultury masowej, języka i przynależności do subkultur na edukację szkolną.

✵ 18. Wrzesień 1943

Henry Giroux: 16 cytatów0 Polubień

Henry Giroux cytaty

„Czy uczenie się w ogóle może zaistnieć, jeśli w rzeczywistości wycisza głosy tych, których miałoby uczyć? I odpowiedź brzmi tak. Ludzie uczą się tego, że się nie liczą.”

Źródło: Renata Wawrzyniak, Język w klasie szkolnej – między uprzedmiotowieniem a emancypacją w: Nauczyciel – uczeń. Między przemocą a dialogiem: obszary napięć i typy reakcji pod red. Marii Dudzikowej, Oficyna Wydawnicza Impuls, Kraków 1996, s. 111.

„Bo pod rządami wolnorynkowego fundamentalizmu stosunki rynkowe rozciągnęły swoją władzę na sferę publiczną i sprowadziły ludzi do roli konsumentów lub towarów konsumpcyjnych, skutecznie ograniczając ich zdolność do rozwijania pełni intelektualnych i emocjonalnych możliwości, które mogłyby z nich uczynić krytycznych obywateli”

Źródło: Casino Capitalism and Higher Education

Henry Giroux: Cytaty po angielsku

“Unfortunately, too many academics retreat into narrow specialisms, allow themselves to become adjuncts of the corporation, or align themselves with dominant interests that serve largely to consolidate authority rather than to critique its abuses. Refusing to take positions on controversial issues or to examine the role they might play in lessening human suffering, such academics become models of moral indifference and examples of what it means to disconnect learning from public life. This is a form of education, as Howard Zinn notes, where scholars “publish while others perish.” Even many leftist and liberal academics have retreated into arcane discourses that offer them the safe ground of the professional recluse.”

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"Higher Education Under Siege: Implications for Public Intellectuals," Thought and Action (Fall 2006), p. 64

“Given the current assault on critical education by various right-wing groups, the increasing corporatization of the university, and the growing influence of the national security state, it is increasingly important that higher education be defended as a democratic public sphere and that academics be seen and see themselves as public intellectuals who provide an indispensable service to the nation.”

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"Higher Education Under Siege: Implications for Public Intellectuals," Thought and Action (Fall 2006), p. 64

“As public discourses… cultural texts can be addressed in terms of how they are constituted as objects that gain their relevance through their relationship to other social institutions, resources, and non-discursive practices.”

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Henry Giroux . Breaking in to the Movies: Film and the Culture of Politics (2002), p. 81

“Trump does not just fan the flames of violence with his rhetoric, he also provides legitimation to a number of white nationalists and right-wing extremist groups who are emboldened by his words and actions and too often ready to translate their hatred into the desecration of synagogues, schools, and other public sites, as well as engage in violence against peaceful protesters, and in some cases commit heinous acts of violence.”

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Interview with Media For Us, 2019

“Today freedom also means the freedom to hate, it means the freedom to say anything, it means the freedom to disparage people, to dehumanize people, to believe in the culture of cruelty, to believe that kindness is not a virtue but a liability. Freedom has been extended into a discourse of violence and hate, which is really part of a larger cultural apparatus that has so undermined the relationship between freedom and justice, freedom and equality, freedom and social responsibility that those terms drop out and freedom becomes in a sense a liability with respect to what a democratic socialist country might look like. The other side of this is that there is a really demonic notion of freedom that seems to suggest we’re all equal and we can all make all of the choices that we want — it’s up to us. In other words, it suggests that choice in this one-dimensional sense of market freedom is defined without constraints. So you are free to sleep under a bridge at night, or you’re free to sleep in the Ritz. Well, that’s just nonsense. It seems to me that choice only becomes meaningful when people have the capacity to make real choices. That’s what freedom really is about in an economic and political sense.”

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Interview with Media For Us, 2019

“Schools are increasingly either engaged in massive forms of pedagogical oppression and discipline or they’re basically disimagination machines — they kill the imagination of students and prepare them to work in utterly boring jobs without the slightest notion that they should resist because the implication seems to be that this is normal. They’re normalizing idiocy. They’re normalizing anti-intellectualism.”

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Interview with Media For Us, 2019

“All pedagogy, when it matters, is contextual. Different kids come from different neighborhoods, they come from different experiences, they come from different classes, and they come from different backgrounds. Context always matters in an educational setting and matters of difference have to be addressed if you are going to connect with young people. In order for education to work, you have to make it meaningful, to make it critical, to make it transformative.”

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Interview with Media For Us, 2019

“Outside of that you have teachers who are increasingly deskilled through models of curricula that claim that objective assessments are all that matters, and that teachers just have to implement the assessments. So teachers are completely losing control over the conditions of their labor, they’re being abused, they’re not being paid properly, they’re losing their benefits, and their unions are being disseminated. This is a full-fledged attack. It’s an attack on one of the most important foundations of a democracy, it’s an attack on teachers, and it’s an attack on young people — particularly those who are marginalized by virtue of class, race, and ethnicity.”

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Interview with Media For Us, 2019

“People are waking up. The contradictions are becoming obvious. But the problem that plagues all of these groups is that they’re individualized. They tend to be autonomous, reduced to isolated issues, and they tend not to be part of a larger social movement in which each group can both articulate its own concerns but at the same time join with others in the call for a democratic socialist mode or a democratic mode of society.”

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Interview with Media For Us, 2019

“Social hope means that hope is not limited to simply individual aspirations, that hope becomes a collective affair and is compatible with the assumption that people can collectively organize and in doing so they can imagine a different future. But more importantly, collectively in the name of hope, they can address the problems that prevent that future from emerging, and they can organize and become active through a mass social movement to make that hope possible. When we talk about social hope versus individualistic hope, we’re talking about a collective consciousness that is able in a sense to think otherwise in order to act otherwise — that’s the basic key here. I think there are promising movements all over the world.”

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Interview with Media For Us, 2019

“Fascism begins with the rhetoric of dehumanization, humiliation, and reification, right? It starts with the language of brutality, which it normalizes. It legitimates hatred and racism and violence. It views certain groups through rhetoric as enemies of the American people. It operates off of the rhetoric of war, anti-intellectualism, and white supremacy. It operates off of the language of disposability. That language doesn’t just simply normalize increasingly the notions of white nationalism, white supremacy, racism, and xenophobia; it also enacts policies and it creates a culture of utter stupidity, a culture of ignorance. And, unfortunately, it functions so as to enable violence against groups labeled as dangerous, other, excess, and a threat to the whitewashed notion of citizenship.”

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Interview with Media For Us, 2019

“Remember, we live in a culture of immediacy. We live in a culture in which simplistic answers override more complicated answers. We live in a culture in which language is reduced to its bare bones. We live in a culture in which language is now in the service of violence.”

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Interview with Media For Us, 2019

“Money drives politics. We all know that now. But the other side of this is that it’s not just an economic system, it’s also an ideological system. As an ideological system, what it generally does is three things that are pernicious and which set the groundwork for a kind of right-wing populism and a fascist politics. First, it operates off the assumption that all social problems are individual problems. Therefore whatever problems people face, the blame for those problems rests with themselves — whether we’re talking about ecological disasters, about poverty, about homelessness, about ignorance and illiteracy, and so forth and so on. Secondly, in doing so it tends to depoliticize people, and by depoliticizing them it becomes very difficult for people — operating under that notion of self-interest, a brutal form of competition, and this heightened notion of rugged individualism — to translate private troubles into larger systemic issues. Hence they find it very hard to understand the conditions in which they find themselves. Thirdly, it creates an enormous culture of ignorance.”

Help us translate this quote

Interview with Media For Us, 2019

“Unfortunately, too many academics retreat into narrow specialisms, allow themselves to become adjuncts of the corporation, or align themselves with dominant interests that serve largely to consolidate authority rather than to critique its abuses. Refusing to take positions on controversial issues or to examine the role they might play in lessening human suffering, such academics become models of moral indifference and examples of what it means to disconnect learning from public life.”

Help us translate this quote

"Higher Education Under Siege: Implications for Public Intellectuals," Thought and Action (Fall 2006), p. 64

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