Abraham Lincoln citations
Page 19

Abraham Lincoln , né le 12 février 1809 dans le comté de Hardin au Kentucky et mort assassiné le 15 avril 1865 à Washington, D.C., est un homme d'État américain. Il est le seizième président des États-Unis. Il est élu à deux reprises président des États-Unis, en novembre 1860 et en novembre 1864. Il est le premier président républicain de l’histoire du pays. Il a dirigé les États-Unis lors de la pire crise constitutionnelle, militaire et morale de leur histoire, la guerre de Sécession, et réussit à préserver l’Union. C’est au cours de celle-ci qu’il fait ratifier le XIIIe amendement de la Constitution des États-Unis, qui abolit l’esclavage. Il sort victorieux de la guerre. Assassiné cinq jours plus tard, à la suite d'un complot organisé par des confédérés, il ne termine pas son second mandat.

Lincoln naît dans une famille modeste. Après une enfance et adolescence sans relief, il apprend le droit seul grâce à ses talents d’autodidacte et devient avocat itinérant. Entraîné peu à peu sur le terrain de la politique, il dirige un temps le Parti whig et est élu à la Chambre des représentants de l'Illinois dans les années 1830, puis à celle des États-Unis pour un mandat dans les années 1840.

Alors que le pays traverse depuis plusieurs années une période de fortes tensions au sujet de l’esclavage, Lincoln, s’opposant à son extension dans les nouveaux États fédérés, acquiert une notoriété nationale en 1858 à la suite d’une série de débats contre Stephen A. Douglas, partisan du droit des États à introduire ou non l’esclavage sur leur territoire. Porté par cette popularité, Lincoln est choisi par le Parti républicain nouvellement formé, pour porter ses couleurs aux élections présidentielles de 1860. Lâché par les États du Sud, il remporte la plupart des États du Nord et est élu président en 1860. Cette élection entraîne immédiatement la sécession de sept États esclavagistes du Sud et la formation des États confédérés d'Amérique, bientôt rejoints par d’autres États malgré des tentatives de compromis et de réconciliation de la part de l’Union.

L’attaque de fort Sumter le 12 avril 1861 par les troupes confédérées pousse la majeure partie du Nord à se regrouper derrière l’étendard national et Lincoln à concentrer sa politique et son action sur l’effort de guerre. Son but est alors de réunir la nation. Tandis que le Sud entre en état d’insurrection, Lincoln exerce son droit de suspendre l’habeas corpus, ce qui permet l’arrestation et la détention sans procès de milliers de suspects de sympathies sécessionnistes. Pendant la guerre, son combat pour l’abolition de l’esclavage apparaît notamment à travers la Proclamation d'émancipation, en vigueur le 1er janvier 1863, dans laquelle il encourage les États intermédiaires à abolir progressivement l’esclavage. Cette proclamation est également la première étape d'un processus qui, à terme, conduit à la ratification du XIIIe amendement de la Constitution par le Congrès, donnant la liberté à tous les esclaves du pays en décembre 1865. Lincoln suit de près l’évolution de la guerre et supervise notamment la nomination des généraux, dont celle d'Ulysses S. Grant. Dans son cabinet, il réunit les différents dirigeants de son parti et les oblige à coopérer. Sous son commandement, l’Union met en place un blocus naval pour paralyser les échanges commerciaux du Sud, prend le contrôle des États frontaliers au début de la guerre, gagne celui des réseaux de communication fluviaux du Sud, et essaie sans relâche de s’emparer de la capitale confédérée, Richmond en Virginie, jusqu’aux succès de Grant en 1865.

Une succession de batailles victorieuses, ainsi que des tentatives d’entente avec les démocrates lui assurent sa réélection en 1864. Après la défaite des États confédérés, Lincoln se veut conciliant avec le Sud lors de son discours d’investiture de second mandat, et appelle à l’apaisement. Mais son programme de reconstruction ne voit pas le jour, en raison de son assassinat le 14 avril 1865 par John Wilkes Booth, partisan sudiste. Le meurtre de Lincoln est le premier assassinat d'un président des États-Unis et plonge le pays dans le deuil. Lincoln est considéré tant par les historiens que par le public comme un des plus grands présidents des États-Unis. Wikipedia  

✵ 12. février 1809 – 15. avril 1865   •   Autres noms Abramo Lincoln
Abraham Lincoln photo
Abraham Lincoln: 623   citations 2   J'aime

Abraham Lincoln citations célèbres

Cette traduction est en attente de révision. Est-ce correct?

“Je dirai donc que je ne suis pas ni n'ai jamais été pour l'égalité politique et sociale des noirs et des blancs, que je ne suis pas, ni n'ai jamais été, pour le fait d'avoir des électeurs ni des jurés noirs, ni pour le fait de les former à exercer ses fonctions, ni en faveur des mariages mixtes; et je dirai en plus de ceci, qu'il y a une différence physique entre la race blanche et la race noire qui interdira pour toujours aux deux races de vivre ensemble dans des conditions d'égalité sociale et politique. Et dans la mesure où ils ne peuvent pas vivre ensemble mais qu'ils coexistent, il faut qu'il y ait une position de supériorité et d'infériorité, et moi-même, autant que n'importe quel autre homme, je suis pour le fait que la position de supériorité soit attribuée à la race blanche.”

I will say, then, that I am not nor have ever been in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the black and white races, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with White people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the White and black races which will ever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together, there must be the position of
Speeches and Writings, 1832-1858

“C’est plutôt à nous d’être ici voués à la grande tâche qui nous revient… que de ces honorés défunts nous portions une dévotion grandissante à cette cause pour laquelle ils ont donné la dernière et grande mesure de dévouement; que nous prenions ici la ferme résolution que ces morts ne seront pas morts en vain; que cette nation, si Dieu le veut, verra renaître la liberté; et que le gouvernement du peuple, par le peuple, pour le peuple, ne disparaîtra pas de la terre.”

IT IS RATHER FOR US TO BE HERE DEDICATED TO THE GREAT TASK REMAINING BEFORE US~THAT FROM THESE HONORED DEAD WE TAKE INCREASED DEVOTION TO THAT CAUSE FOR WHICH THEY GAVE THE LAST FULL MEASURE OF DEVOTION~THAT WE HERE HIGHLY RESOLVE THAT THESE DEAD SHALL NOT HAVE DIED IN VAIN~THAT THIS NATION UNDER GOD SHALL HAVE A NEW BIRTH OF FREEDOM~AND THAT GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE BY THE PEOPLE FOR THE PEOPLE SHALL NOT PERISH FROM THE EARTH •
en
Adresse de Gettysburg : gouvernement du peuple, par le peuple, pour le peuple, 1863

Abraham Lincoln: Citations en anglais

“The man who stands by and says nothing, when the peril of his government is discussed, can not be misunderstood. If not hindered, he is sure to help the enemy.”

to Erastus Corning and Others https://quod.lib.umich.edu/l/lincoln/lincoln6/1:569?rgn=div1;view=fulltextLetter (12 June 1863) in "The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, vol.6" (The Abraham Lincoln Association, 1953), p. 265
1860s

“If I should do so now it occurs that he places himself somewhat upon the ground of the parable of the lost sheep which went astray upon the mountains, and when the owner of the hundred sheep found the one that was lost and threw it upon his shoulders, and came home rejoicing, it was said that there was more rejoicing over the one sheep that was lost and had been found than over the ninety and nine in the fold. The application is made by the Saviour in this parable thus: Verily I say unto you, there is more rejoicing in heaven over one sinner that repenteth than over ninety and nine just persons that need no repentance.”

Repentance before forgiveness is a provision of the Christian system, and on that condition alone will the Republicans grant his forgiveness.
Regarding his debate with Judge S. A. Douglas, in his Springfield address (17 July 1858), published in The Life, Speeches, and Public Services of Abraham Lincoln: Together with a Sketch of the Life of Hannibal Hamlin: Republican candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States (1860), p. 50
Lincoln was alluding to the words of Jesus in Luke 15:7 http://www.biblegateway.com/verse/en/Luke%2015%3A7
1850s

“The people will save their government, if the government itself will allow them.”

This quote is incorrectly quoted from Lincoln's Address to Congress on July 4, 1861 http://millercenter.org/president/speeches/detail/3508, in which Lincoln outlined the events that had led to the American Civil War and his views on the nature of the rebellion by the southern slave states. To suppress the rebellion Lincoln said that Congress must "give the legal means for making this contest a short and a decisive one; that you place at the control of the Government for the work at least 400,000 men and $400,000,000." And Lincoln remarked further: "A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten times the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from the country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is abundant, and that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal sanction and the hand of the Executive to give it practical shape and efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of the Government is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide for them. In a word, the people will save their Government if the Government itself will do its part only indifferently well".
Disputed

“As a result of the war, corporations have been enthroned and an era of corruption in high places will follow, and the money power of the country will endeavor to prolong its reign by working upon the prejudices of the people until all wealth is destroyed. I feel at the moment more anxiety for the safety of my country than ever before, even in the midst of the war. God grant that my suspicions should prove groundless.”

Purportedly in a letter to Colonel William F. Elkins (21 November 1864) http://www.ratical.org/corporations/Lincoln.html after the passage of the National Bank Act (3 June 1864), these remarks were attributed to Lincoln as early as 1887 but were denounced by John Nicolay, Lincoln's private secretary and biographer. Knights of Labor, "What Will The Future Bring," Journal of United Labor, Vol 8, no. 20, Nov. 19, 1887, pg. 2. Nicolay: "This alleged quotation from Mr. Lincoln is a bald, unblushing forgery. The great President never said it or wrote it, and never said or wrote anything that by the utmost license could be distorted to resemble it." "A Popocratic Forgery" in The New York Times (3 October 1898), p. 1 http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9C0DEFDE133BEE33A25750C0A9669D94679ED7CF [moneypowers]The money powers prey upon the nation in times of peace and conspire against it in times of diversity. It is more despotic then monarchy. More insolent than autocracy. More selfish then bureaucracy. I see the near future a crisis approaching that unnerves me and causes me to tremble for the safety of my country. Corporations have been enthroned. An era of corruption will follow and the money power of the country, will endeavor to prolong it's reign by working upon the prejudices of the people. Until the wealth is aggregated in a few hands and the Republic is destroyed. A variant cited to The Lincoln Encyclopedia (1950) by Archer H. Shaw, p. 40, a collection of Lincoln quotations or attributions which has been criticized for including dubious material and known forgeries. I see in the near future a crisis approaching that unnerves me and causes me to tremble for the safety of my country... corporations have been enthroned and an era of corruption in high places will follow, and the money power of the country will endeavor to prolong its reign by working upon the prejudices of the people until all wealth is aggregated in a few hands and the Republic is destroyed. I feel at this moment more anxiety for the safety of my country than ever before, even in the midst of war. An additional last line is included in David McGowan's Derailing Democracy: The America The Media Don't Want You To See, p.33. The money power preys upon the nation in times of peace and conspires against it in times of adversity. It is more despotic than a monarchy, more insolent than autocracy, more selfish than bureaucracy. It denounces, as public enemies, all who question its methods or throw light upon its crimes. A corruption of remarks by William Jennings Bryan at Madison Square Garden (30 August 1906)
Ref: en.wikiquote.org - Abraham Lincoln / Misattributed
Disputed

“They will never shoulder a musket again in anger, and if Grant is wise, he will leave them their guns to shoot crows with and their horses to plow with. It would do no harm.”

Regarding the treatment of former Confederate soldiers. In Richmond, Virginia (April 4, 1865), as quoted in Incidents and Anecdotes of the Civil War https://archive.org/download/incidentsanecdot00port/incidentsanecdot00port.pdf (1885), by David Dixon Porter, p. 312
1860s, Tour of Richmond (1865)

“Well, I cannot run the political machine; I have enough on my hands without that. It is the people's business, - the election is in their hands. If they turn their backs to the fire, and get scorched in the rear, they'll find they have got to ’sit ’ on the ’blister’!”

Attributed by Francis Bicknell Carpenter, reporting what a "friend, the private secretary of a cabinet minister", told him about a conversation with Lincoln, whom the friend had met alone in the White House in August 1864. Six Months at the White House with Abraham Lincoln. The Story of a Picture. New York 1866, p. 275 https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=Ny0OAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA275&dq=blister
Posthumous attributions

“Now, I say to you, my fellow-citizens, that in my opinion the signers of the Declaration had no reference to the negro whatever when they declared all men to be created equal. They desired to express by that phrase, white men, men of European birth and European descent, and had no reference either to the negro, the savage Indians, the Fejee, the Malay, or any other inferior and degraded race, when they spoke of the equality of men. One great evidence that such was their understanding, is to be found in the fact that at that time every one of the thirteen colonies was a slaveholding colony, every signer of the Declaration represented a slave-holding constituency, and we know that no one of them emancipated his slaves, much less offered citizenship to them when they signed the Declaration, and yet, if they had intended to declare that the negro was the equal of the white man, and entitled by divine right to an equality with him, they were bound, as honest men, that day and hour to have put their negroes on an equality with themselves.”

Attributed at a few sites to a debate in Peoria, Illinois with Stephen Douglas on 16 October 1858. No historical record of such a debate actually exists, though there was a famous set of speeches by both in Peoria on 16 October 1854, but transcripts of Lincoln's speech http://www.hti.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=lincoln;cc=lincoln;type=simple;rgn=div1;q1=cleaver;view=text;subview=detail;sort=occur;idno=lincoln2;node=lincoln2%3A282 on that date do not indicate that he made such a statement. It in fact comes from a speech made by Douglas in the third debate http://www.hti.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=lincoln;cc=lincoln;type=simple;rgn=div1;q1=fejee;view=text;subview=detail;sort=occur;idno=lincoln3;node=lincoln3%3A17 against Lincoln at Jonesboro, Illinois on 15 September 1858.
Misattributed

“The only person who is a worse liar than a faith healer is his patient.”

Quoted in Victor J. Stenger (1990), Physics and Psychics
Misattributed

“I cannot bring myself to believe that any human being lives who would do me any harm.”

Remark to Gen. Edward H. Ripley (5 April 1865), recalled during Ripley's speech http://books.google.com/books?id=1OoSAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA353&dq=believe at the 41st annual meeting of the Reunion Society of Vermont Officers (1 November 1904)
Posthumous attributions

“Sir; You are directed to have a transport.. sent to the colored colony of San Domingo to bring back to this country such of the colonists there as desire to return.”

Orders to the Secretary of War https://books.google.com/books?id=uEc_cG58dZQC&pg=PA19 (1 February 1864)
1860s

“Beware of rashness, but with energy and sleepless vigilance go forward and give us victories.”

Letter to Major General http://www.historyplace.com/lincoln/lett-4.htm Joseph Hooker (26 January 1863)
1860s

“The Confederacy stands for slavery and the Union for freedom.”

Private conversation https://books.google.com/books?id=cpLsLWYhMLoC&printsec=frontcover&dq=%22not+a+man+shall+be+a+slave%22+%22Mcpherson%22&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAzgKahUKEwjiwOnYqoLIAhUIez4KHaTnDok#v=onepage&q=slavery&f=false (January 1862)
1860s

“We think Slavery a great moral wrong, and while we do not claim the right to touch it where it exists, we wish to treat it as a wrong in the Territories, where our votes will reach it. We think that a respect for ourselves, a regard for future generations and for the God that made us, require that we put down this wrong where our votes will properly reach it. We think that species of labor an injury to free white men — in short, we think Slavery a great moral, social and political evil, tolerable only because, and so far as its actual existence makes it necessary to tolerate it, and that beyond that, it ought to be treated as a wrong.”

1860s, Allow the humblest man an equal chance (1860)
Contexte: To us it appears natural to think that slaves are human beings; men, not property; that some of the things, at least, stated about men in the Declaration of Independence apply to them as well as to us. I say, we think, most of us, that this Charter of Freedom applies to the slave as well as to ourselves, that the class of arguments put forward to batter down that idea, are also calculated to break down the very idea of a free government, even for white men, and to undermine the very foundations of free society. We think Slavery a great moral wrong, and while we do not claim the right to touch it where it exists, we wish to treat it as a wrong in the Territories, where our votes will reach it. We think that a respect for ourselves, a regard for future generations and for the God that made us, require that we put down this wrong where our votes will properly reach it. We think that species of labor an injury to free white men — in short, we think Slavery a great moral, social and political evil, tolerable only because, and so far as its actual existence makes it necessary to tolerate it, and that beyond that, it ought to be treated as a wrong.

“You know what a poor correspondent I am. Ever since I received your very agreeable letter of the 22nd. of May I have been intending to write you in answer to it. You suggest that in political action now, you and I would differ. I suppose we would; not quite as much, however, as you may think. You know I dislike slavery; and you fully admit the abstract wrong of it. So far there is no cause of difference. But you say that sooner than yield your legal right to the slave — especially at the bidding of those who are not themselves interested, you would see the Union dissolved. I am not aware that any one is bidding you to yield that right; very certainly I am not. I leave that matter entirely to yourself. I also acknowledge your rights and my obligations, under the constitution, in regard to your slaves. I confess I hate to see the poor creatures hunted down, and caught, and carried back to their stripes, and unrewarded toils; but I bite my lip and keep quiet. In 1841 you and I had together a tedious low-water trip, on a Steam Boat from Louisville to St. Louis. You may remember, as I well do, that from Louisville to the mouth of the Ohio, there were, on board, ten or a dozen slaves, shackled together with irons. That sight was a continued torment to me; and I see something like it every time I touch the Ohio, or any other slave-border. It is hardly fair for you to assume, that I have no interest in a thing which has, and continually exercises, the power of making me miserable. You ought rather to appreciate how much the great body of the Northern people do crucify their feelings, in order to maintain their loyalty to the Constitution and the Union.”

1850s, Letter to Joshua F. Speed (1855)

“Every blade of grass is a study; and to produce two, where there was but one, is both a profit and a pleasure.”

1850s, Address before the Wisconsin State Agricultural Society (1859)

“So you're the little woman who wrote the book that made this great war!”

Comment on meeting Harriet Beecher Stowe, author of Uncle Tom's Cabin, according to Charles Edward Stowe, Lyman Beecher Stowe, "How Mrs. Stowe wrote 'Uncle Tom's Cabin'", McClure's magazine 36:621 http://books.google.com/books?id=biAAAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA621&dq=%22little+woman+who+wrote+the+book+that+made+this+great+war%22 (April 1911), with a footnote stating: "Mr. Charles Edward Stowe, one of the authors of this article, accompanied his mother on this visit to Lincoln, and remembers the occasion distinctly."
Annie Fields, "Days with Mrs. Stowe", Atlantic Monthly 7:148 http://books.google.com/books?id=8F0CAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA148&dq=%22Is+this+the+little+woman+who+made+the+great+war%22 (August 1896)
Posthumous attributions
Variante: Her daughter was told that when the President heard her name he seized her hand, saying, "Is this the little woman who made the great war?"
Variante: So you are the little woman who caused this great war!

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