Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn Quotes
Letter to three students (October 1967) as translated in Solzhenitsyn: A Documentary Record (1970) edited by Leopold Labedz (1970) “The Struggle Intensifies".
“Every man always has handy a dozen glib little reasons why he is right not to sacrifice himself.”
Source: The Gulag Archipelago 1918-1956
“Oh, how hard it is to part with power! This one has to understand.”
Source: The Gulag Archipelago 1918-1956
Letter to the Secretariat of the Soviet Writers’ Union (12 November 1969) as translated in Solzhenitsyn: A Documentary Record (1970) edited by Leopold Labedz (1970) “Expulsion".
Source: One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich
Source: One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich
“If you live in a graveyard, you can't weep for everyone.”
Source: The Gulag Archipelago, 1918-1956: An Experiment in Literary Investigation, Books III-IV
BBC Radio broadcast, Russian service, as quoted in The Listener (15 February 1979).
Harvard University address (1978)
"Peace and Violence" (1973).
Open letter to the Fourth Soviet Writers’ Congress (16 May 1967) “The Struggle Intensifies,” Solzhenitsyn: A Documentary Record, ed. Leopold Labedz (1970).
Variant translation: Violence can only be concealed by a lie, and the lie can only be maintained by violence. Any man who has once proclaimed violence as his method is inevitably forced to take the lie as his principle.
As quoted in Solzhenitsyn: A Documentary Record (1974) edited by Leopold Labedz
Nobel lecture (1970)
Context: We shall be told: what can literature possibly do against the ruthless onslaught of open violence? But let us not forget that violence does not live alone and is not capable of living alone: it is necessarily interwoven with falsehood. Between them lies the most intimate, the deepest of natural bonds. Violence finds its only refuge in falsehood, falsehood its only support in violence. Any man who has once acclaimed violence as his METHOD must inexorably choose falsehood as his PRINCIPLE. At its birth violence acts openly and even with pride. But no sooner does it become strong, firmly established, than it senses the rarefaction of the air around it and it cannot continue to exist without descending into a fog of lies, clothing them in sweet talk. It does not always, not necessarily, openly throttle the throat, more often it demands from its subjects only an oath of allegiance to falsehood, only complicity in falsehood.
Nobel lecture (1970)
"How We Must Rebuild Russia" in Komsomolskaya Pravda (18 September 1990).
The Gulag Archipelago (1973).
Harvard University address (1978)
“In our country the lie has become not just a moral category but a pillar of the State.”
As quoted in The Observer (29 December 1974).
In his interview with Joseph Pearce. " An Interview with Alexander Solzhenitsyn http://www.catholiceducation.org/articles/arts/al0172.html." St. Austin Review 2 no. 2 (February, 2003).
Interview with Joseph Pearce, Sr. (2003)
Harvard University address (1978)
The Gulag Archipelago (1973).
Open letter to the Fourth Soviet Writers’ Congress (16 May 1967); as translated in Solzhenitsyn: A Documentary Record (1970) edited by Leopold Labedz (1970).
Nobel lecture (1970)
“Call no day happy 'til it is done; call no man happy til he is dead.”
Solzhenitsyn here seems to be paraphrasing Sophocles who expresses similar ideas in Oedipus Rex. This is also a direct reference to Plutarch's line, "call no man fortunate until he is dead," from his "Parallel Lives".
The Oak and the Calf (1975)
“A man should build a house with his own hands before he calls himself an engineer.”
One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich (1962)
“A man with two trades to his credit can easily learn another ten.”
One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich (1962)
Harvard University address (1978)
The Oak and the Calf (1975)
Speech in Washington D.C., June 30, 1975; Solzhenitsyn: The Voice of Freedom http://www.archive.org/details/SolzhenitsynTheVoiceOfFreedom, p. 30.
Harvard University address (1978)
Harvard University address (1978)
Nobel lecture (1970)
Nobel lecture (1970)
Interview With Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn on Ukraine (May 1994)
Interview With Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn on Ukraine (May 1994)
“Why does the (U.S.) State Department decide who should get Sevastopol?”
Interview With Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn on Ukraine (May 1994)
Interview With Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn on Ukraine (May 1994)
Interview With Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn on Ukraine (May 1994)
Interview With Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn on the New Russia and Ukraine (May 1994)
"Father Severyan", in November 1916: The Red Wheel: Knot II (1984; translation 1999).
Context: At no time has the world been without war. Not in seven or ten or twenty thousand years. Neither the wisest of leaders, nor the noblest of kings, nor yet the Church — none of them has been able to stop it. And don't succumb to the facile belief that wars will be stopped by hotheaded socialists. Or that rational and just wars can be sorted out from the rest. There will always be thousands of thousands to whom even such a war will be senseless and unjustified. Quite simply, no state can live without war, that is one of the state's essential functions. … War is the price we pay for living in a state. Before you can abolish war you will have to abolish all states. But that is unthinkable until the propensity to violence and evil is rooted out of human beings. The state was created to protect us from evil. In ordinary life thousands of bad impulses, from a thousand foci of evil, move chaotically, randomly, against the vulnerable. The state is called upon to check these impulses — but it generates others of its own, still more powerful, and this time one-directional. At times it throws them all in a single direction — and that is war.
Nobel lecture (1970)
Context: I believe that world literature has it in its power to help mankind, in these its troubled hours, to see itself as it really is, notwithstanding the indoctrinations of prejudiced people and parties. World literature has it in its power to convey condensed experience from one land to another so that we might cease to be split and dazzled, that the different scales of values might be made to agree, and one nation learn correctly and concisely the true history of another with such strength of recognition and painful awareness as it had itself experienced the same, and thus might it be spared from repeating the same cruel mistakes.