Hannah Arendt cytaty (101 cytatów, strona 2)

It is well known that the most radical revolutionary will become a conservative on the day after the revolution. (ang.)
Źródło: „New Yorker”, 12 września 1970

„Tym, co zaprzepaszczono wśród katastrof XX-wiecznych rewolucji była nadzieja na przekształcenie państwa, na nowy ustrój, który pozwoliłby każdemu z członków nowożytnego społeczeństwa egalitarnego stać się uczestnikiem w sprawach publicznych.”

Hannah Arendt

O rewolucji

O nadziei

„Nie ma czegoś takiego jak posłuszeństwo w sprawach moralnych i politycznych.”

Hannah Arendt

Źródło: Odpowiedzialność osobista w warunkach dyktatury, 1964, tłum. Mieczysław Godyń

„Prawdziwe rozumienie nie nuży się nie kończącym się dialogiem i „błędnymi kołami”, ponieważ wierzy ono, że wyobraźnia uchwyci w końcu przynajmniej przebłysk zawsze przerażającego światła prawdy.”

Hannah Arendt

Źródło: Stefan Mieszalski, Dylematy myślenia pedagogicznego. O stosunkach społecznych w procesie edukacyjnym w: Nauczyciel – uczeń. Między przemocą a dialogiem: obszary napięć i typy reakcji pod red. Marii Dudzikowej, Oficyna Wydawnicza Impuls, Kraków 1996, s. 23.

O myślach , O nauczycielach , O myśleniu

Hannah Arendt: Cytaty po angielsku

“The most radical revolutionary will become a conservative the day after the revolution.”

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Hannah Arendt

The New Yorker (12 September 1970).

“The aim of totalitarian education has never been to instill convictions but to destroy the capacity to form any.”

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Hannah Arendt

“The point, as Marx saw it, is that dreams never come true.”

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Hannah Arendt książka On Violence

"On Violence".
Crises of the Republic (1969)

“No punishment has ever possessed enough power of deterrence to prevent the commission of crimes. On the contrary, whatever the punishment, once a specific crime has appeared for the first time, its reappearance is more likely than its initial emergence could ever have been.”

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Hannah Arendt książka Eichmann w Jerozolimie

Epilogue.
Eichmann in Jerusalem (1963)

“And the distinction between violent and non-violent action is that the former is exclusively bent upon the destruction of the old, and the latter is chiefly concerned with the establishment of something new.”

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Hannah Arendt

“As citizens, we must prevent wrongdoing because the world in which we all live, wrong-doer, wrong sufferer and spectator, is at stake.”

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Hannah Arendt

“For politics is not like the nursery; in politics obedience and support are the same.”

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Hannah Arendt

Źródło: Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil

“There are many great authors of the past who have survived centuries of oblivion and neglect, but it is still an open question whether they will be able to survive an entertaining version of what they have to say.”

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Hannah Arendt

“Only crime and the criminal, it is true, confront us with the perplexity of radical evil; but only the hypocrite is really rotten to the core.”

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Hannah Arendt książka On Revolution

On Revolution (1963), ch. 2.
General sources
Kontekst: What makes it so plausible to assume that hypocrisy is the vice of vices is that integrity can indeed exist under the cover of all other vices except this one. Only crime and the criminal, it is true, confront us with the perplexity of radical evil; but only the hypocrite is really rotten to the core.

“The new always happens against the overwhelming odds of statistical laws and their probability, which for all practical, everyday purposes amounts to certainty; the new therefore always appears in the guise of a miracle.”

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Hannah Arendt

“Action, as distinguished from fabrication, is never possible in isolation; to be isolated is to be deprived of the capacity to act.”

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Hannah Arendt książka The Human Condition

Źródło: The Human Condition

“the greatest evil perpetrated is the evil committed by nobodies, that is, by human beings who refuse to be persons”

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Hannah Arendt

“Revolutionaries do not make revolutions! The revolutionaries are those who know when power is lying in the street and when they can pick it up. Armed uprising by itself has never yet led to revolution.”

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Hannah Arendt

" Thoughts on Politics and Revolution: A Commentary http://books.google.com/books?id=iMIPAQAAMAAJ&q="Revolutionaries+do+not+make+revolutions+The+revolutionaries+are+those+who+know+when+power+is+lying+in+the+street+and+when+they+can+pick+it+up+Armed"".
Crises of the Republic (1969)

“Could the activity of thinking as such, the habit of examining whatever happens to come to pass or to attract attention, regardless of results and specific content, could this activity be among the conditions that make men abstain from evil-doing?”

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Hannah Arendt książka The Life of the Mind

Źródło: The Life of the Mind (1971/1978), p. 5.

“Man's urge for change and his need for stability have always balanced and checked each other, and our current vocabulary, which distinguishes between two factions, the progressives and the conservatives, indicates a state of affairs in which this balance has been thrown out of order. No civilization — the man-made artifact to house successive generations — would ever have been possible without a framework of stability, to provide the wherein for the flux of change. Foremost among the stabilizing factors, more enduring than customs, manners and traditions, are the legal systems that regulate our life in the world and our daily affairs with each other.”

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Hannah Arendt

"Civil Disobedience".
Crises of the Republic (1969)

“The cultural treasures of the past, believed to be dead, are being made to speak, in the course of which it turns out that they propose things altogether different than what had been thought.”

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Hannah Arendt

"Martin Heidegger at Eighty," in Heidegger and Modern Philosophy: Critical Essays (1978) by Michael Murray, p. 294.

“Eichmann, much less intelligent and without any education to speak of, at least dimly realized that it was not an order but a law which had turned them all into criminals. The distinction between an order and the Führer's word was that the latter's validity was not limited in time and space, which is the outstanding characteristic of the former. This is also the true reason why the Führer's order for the Final Solution was followed by a huge shower of regulations and directives, all drafted by expert lawyers and legal advisors, not by mere administrators; this order, in contrast to ordinary orders, was treated as a law. Needless to add, the resulting legal paraphernalia, far from being a mere symptom of German pedantry and thoroughness, served most effectively to give the whole business its outward appearance of legality.And just as the law in civilized countries assumes that the voice of conscience tells everybody, "Thou shalt not kill," even though man's natural desires and inclinations may at times be murderous, so the law of Hitler's land demanded that the voice of conscience tell everybody: "Thou shalt kill," although the organizers of the massacres knew full well that murder is against the normal desires and inclinations of most people. Evil in the Third Reich had lost the quality by which most people recognize it — the quality of temptation.”

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Hannah Arendt książka Eichmann w Jerozolimie

Źródło: Eichmann in Jerusalem (1963), Ch. VIII.

“The emotions I feel are no more meant to be shown in their unadulterated state than the inner organs by which we live.”

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Hannah Arendt książka The Life of the Mind

Źródło: The Life of the Mind (1971/1978), pp. 31-32.

“In its flight from death, the craving for permanence clings to the very things sure to be lost in death.”

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Hannah Arendt

Źródło: Love and Saint Augustine (1929), p. 17

“The only man for whom Hitler had ‘unqualified respect’ was ‘Stalin the genius’, and while in the case of Stalin and the Russian regime we do not… have the rich documentary material that is available for Germany, we nevertheless know since Khrushchev’s speech before the Twentieth Party Congress that Stalin trusted only one man and that was Hitler.”

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Hannah Arendt książka The Origins of Totalitarianism

Part 3, Ch. 1 § 1.
The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951)

“Kant was also quite aware that "the urgent need" of reason is both different from and "more than mere quest and desire for knowledge." Hence, the distinguishing of the two faculties, reason and intellect, coincides with a distinction between two altogether different mental activities, thinking and knowing.”

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Hannah Arendt książka The Life of the Mind

Źródło: The Life of the Mind (1971/1978), p. 14.

“[H]e was genuinely incapable of uttering a single sentence that was not a cliché. […] Eichmann, despite his rather bad memory, repeated word for word the same stock phrases and self-invented clichés (when he did succeed in constructing a sentence of his own, he repeated it until it became a cliché) each time he referred to an incident or event of importance to him. […] The longer one listened to him, the more obvious it became that his inability to speak was closely connected with an inability to think, namely to think from the standpoint of somebody else. No communication was possible with him, not because he lied but because he was surrounded by the most reliable of all safeguards against the words and the presence of others, and hence against reality as such.”

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Hannah Arendt książka Eichmann w Jerozolimie

Źródło: Eichmann in Jerusalem (1963), Ch. III.

“If the inner psychic ground of our individual appearance were not always the same, there could be no science of psychology, which qua science relies on a psychic “inside we are all alike,” just as the science of physiology and medicine relies on the sameness of our inner organs. […] The monstrous sameness and pervasive ugliness so highly characteristic of the findings of modern psychology, and contrasting so obviously with the enormous variety and richness of overt human conduct, witness to the radical difference between the inside and the outside of the human body.”

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Hannah Arendt książka The Life of the Mind

Źródło: The Life of the Mind (1971/1978), pp. 34-35.

“Kant … discovered “the scandal of reason,” that is the fact that our mind is not capable of certain and verifiable knowledge regarding matters and questions that it nevertheless cannot help thinking about.”

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Hannah Arendt książka The Life of the Mind

Źródło: The Life of the Mind (1971/1978), p. 14.

“Man cannot be free if he does not know that he is subject to necessity, because his freedom is always won in his never wholly successful attempts to liberate himself from necessity.”

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Hannah Arendt książka The Human Condition

The Human Condition (1958), part 3, chapter 16.

“Political questions are far too serious to be left to the politicians.”

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Hannah Arendt książka Men in Dark Times

Men in Dark Times (1968).

“What stuck in the minds of these men who had become murderers was simply the notion of being involved in something historic, grandiose, unique ("a great task that occurs once in two thousand years"), which must therefore be difficult to bear. This was important, because the murderers were not sadists or killers by nature; on the contrary, a systematic effort was made to weed out all those who derived physical pleasure from what they did. The troops of the Einsatzgruppen had been drafted from the Armed S. S., a military unit with hardly more crimes in its record than any ordinary unit of the German Army, and their commanders had been chosen by Heydrich from the S. S. élite with academic degrees. Hence the problem was how to overcome not so much their conscience as the animal pity by which all normal men are affected in the presence of physical suffering. The trick used by Himmler — who apparently was rather strongly afflicted by these instinctive reactions himself — was very simple and probably very effective; it consisted in turning these instincts around, as it were, in directing them toward the self. So that instead of saying: What horrible things I did to people!, the murderers would be able to say: What horrible things I had to watch in the pursuance of my duties, how heavily the task weighed upon my shoulders!”

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Hannah Arendt książka Eichmann w Jerozolimie

Źródło: Eichmann in Jerusalem (1963), Ch. VI.

“Mass propaganda discovered that its audience was ready at all times to believe the worst, no matter how absurd, and did not particularly object to being deceived because it held every statement to be a lie anyhow. The totalitarian mass leaders based their propaganda on the correct psychological assumption that, under such conditions, one could make people believe the most fantastic statements one day, and trust if the next day they were given irrefutable proof of their falsehood, they would take refuge in cynicism; instead of deserting the leaders who had lied to them, they would protest that they had known all along the statement was a lie and would admire the leaders for their superior tactical cleverness.”

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Hannah Arendt książka The Origins of Totalitarianism

Part 3, Ch. 2 The Totalitarian Movement, page 80 https://books.google.de/books?id=I0pVKCVM4TQC&pg=PT104&dq=A+mixture+of+gullibility+and+cynicism+had+been+an+outstanding+characteristic+of+mob+mentality+before+it+became+an+everyday+phenomenon+of+masses.&hl=de&sa=X&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=A%20mixture%20of%20gullibility%20and%20cynicism%20had%20been%20an%20outstanding%20characteristic%20of%20mob%20mentality%20before%20it%20became%20an%20everyday%20phenomenon%20of%20masses.&f=false
The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951)
Kontekst: A mixture of gullibility and cynicism had been an outstanding characteristic of mob mentality before it became an everyday phenomenon of masses. In an ever-changing, incomprehensible, world the masses had reached the point where they would, at the same time, believe everything and nothing, think that everything is possible and that nothing was true. The mixture in itself was remarkable enough, because it spelled the end of the illusion that gullibility was a weakness of unsuspecting primitive souls and cynism the vice of superior and refined minds. Mass propaganda discovered that its audience was ready at all times to believe the worst, no matter how absurd, and did not particularly object to being deceived because it held every statement to be a lie anyhow. The totalitarian mass leaders based their propaganda on the correct psychological assumption that, under such conditions, one could make people believe the most fantastic statements one day, and trust if the next day they were given irrefutable proof of their falsehood, they would take refuge in cynicism; instead of deserting the leaders who had lied to them, they would protest that they had known all along the statement was a lie and would admire the leaders for their superior tactical cleverness.