Abraham Lincoln citations
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Abraham Lincoln , né le 12 février 1809 dans le comté de Hardin au Kentucky et mort assassiné le 15 avril 1865 à Washington, D.C., est un homme d'État américain. Il est le seizième président des États-Unis. Il est élu à deux reprises président des États-Unis, en novembre 1860 et en novembre 1864. Il est le premier président républicain de l’histoire du pays. Il a dirigé les États-Unis lors de la pire crise constitutionnelle, militaire et morale de leur histoire, la guerre de Sécession, et réussit à préserver l’Union. C’est au cours de celle-ci qu’il fait ratifier le XIIIe amendement de la Constitution des États-Unis, qui abolit l’esclavage. Il sort victorieux de la guerre. Assassiné cinq jours plus tard, à la suite d'un complot organisé par des confédérés, il ne termine pas son second mandat.

Lincoln naît dans une famille modeste. Après une enfance et adolescence sans relief, il apprend le droit seul grâce à ses talents d’autodidacte et devient avocat itinérant. Entraîné peu à peu sur le terrain de la politique, il dirige un temps le Parti whig et est élu à la Chambre des représentants de l'Illinois dans les années 1830, puis à celle des États-Unis pour un mandat dans les années 1840.

Alors que le pays traverse depuis plusieurs années une période de fortes tensions au sujet de l’esclavage, Lincoln, s’opposant à son extension dans les nouveaux États fédérés, acquiert une notoriété nationale en 1858 à la suite d’une série de débats contre Stephen A. Douglas, partisan du droit des États à introduire ou non l’esclavage sur leur territoire. Porté par cette popularité, Lincoln est choisi par le Parti républicain nouvellement formé, pour porter ses couleurs aux élections présidentielles de 1860. Lâché par les États du Sud, il remporte la plupart des États du Nord et est élu président en 1860. Cette élection entraîne immédiatement la sécession de sept États esclavagistes du Sud et la formation des États confédérés d'Amérique, bientôt rejoints par d’autres États malgré des tentatives de compromis et de réconciliation de la part de l’Union.

L’attaque de fort Sumter le 12 avril 1861 par les troupes confédérées pousse la majeure partie du Nord à se regrouper derrière l’étendard national et Lincoln à concentrer sa politique et son action sur l’effort de guerre. Son but est alors de réunir la nation. Tandis que le Sud entre en état d’insurrection, Lincoln exerce son droit de suspendre l’habeas corpus, ce qui permet l’arrestation et la détention sans procès de milliers de suspects de sympathies sécessionnistes. Pendant la guerre, son combat pour l’abolition de l’esclavage apparaît notamment à travers la Proclamation d'émancipation, en vigueur le 1er janvier 1863, dans laquelle il encourage les États intermédiaires à abolir progressivement l’esclavage. Cette proclamation est également la première étape d'un processus qui, à terme, conduit à la ratification du XIIIe amendement de la Constitution par le Congrès, donnant la liberté à tous les esclaves du pays en décembre 1865. Lincoln suit de près l’évolution de la guerre et supervise notamment la nomination des généraux, dont celle d'Ulysses S. Grant. Dans son cabinet, il réunit les différents dirigeants de son parti et les oblige à coopérer. Sous son commandement, l’Union met en place un blocus naval pour paralyser les échanges commerciaux du Sud, prend le contrôle des États frontaliers au début de la guerre, gagne celui des réseaux de communication fluviaux du Sud, et essaie sans relâche de s’emparer de la capitale confédérée, Richmond en Virginie, jusqu’aux succès de Grant en 1865.

Une succession de batailles victorieuses, ainsi que des tentatives d’entente avec les démocrates lui assurent sa réélection en 1864. Après la défaite des États confédérés, Lincoln se veut conciliant avec le Sud lors de son discours d’investiture de second mandat, et appelle à l’apaisement. Mais son programme de reconstruction ne voit pas le jour, en raison de son assassinat le 14 avril 1865 par John Wilkes Booth, partisan sudiste. Le meurtre de Lincoln est le premier assassinat d'un président des États-Unis et plonge le pays dans le deuil. Lincoln est considéré tant par les historiens que par le public comme un des plus grands présidents des États-Unis. Wikipedia  

✵ 12. février 1809 – 15. avril 1865   •   Autres noms Abramo Lincoln
Abraham Lincoln photo
Abraham Lincoln: 623   citations 2   J'aime

Abraham Lincoln citations célèbres

Cette traduction est en attente de révision. Est-ce correct?

“Je dirai donc que je ne suis pas ni n'ai jamais été pour l'égalité politique et sociale des noirs et des blancs, que je ne suis pas, ni n'ai jamais été, pour le fait d'avoir des électeurs ni des jurés noirs, ni pour le fait de les former à exercer ses fonctions, ni en faveur des mariages mixtes; et je dirai en plus de ceci, qu'il y a une différence physique entre la race blanche et la race noire qui interdira pour toujours aux deux races de vivre ensemble dans des conditions d'égalité sociale et politique. Et dans la mesure où ils ne peuvent pas vivre ensemble mais qu'ils coexistent, il faut qu'il y ait une position de supériorité et d'infériorité, et moi-même, autant que n'importe quel autre homme, je suis pour le fait que la position de supériorité soit attribuée à la race blanche.”

I will say, then, that I am not nor have ever been in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the black and white races, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with White people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the White and black races which will ever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together, there must be the position of
Speeches and Writings, 1832-1858

“C’est plutôt à nous d’être ici voués à la grande tâche qui nous revient… que de ces honorés défunts nous portions une dévotion grandissante à cette cause pour laquelle ils ont donné la dernière et grande mesure de dévouement; que nous prenions ici la ferme résolution que ces morts ne seront pas morts en vain; que cette nation, si Dieu le veut, verra renaître la liberté; et que le gouvernement du peuple, par le peuple, pour le peuple, ne disparaîtra pas de la terre.”

IT IS RATHER FOR US TO BE HERE DEDICATED TO THE GREAT TASK REMAINING BEFORE US~THAT FROM THESE HONORED DEAD WE TAKE INCREASED DEVOTION TO THAT CAUSE FOR WHICH THEY GAVE THE LAST FULL MEASURE OF DEVOTION~THAT WE HERE HIGHLY RESOLVE THAT THESE DEAD SHALL NOT HAVE DIED IN VAIN~THAT THIS NATION UNDER GOD SHALL HAVE A NEW BIRTH OF FREEDOM~AND THAT GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE BY THE PEOPLE FOR THE PEOPLE SHALL NOT PERISH FROM THE EARTH •
en
Adresse de Gettysburg : gouvernement du peuple, par le peuple, pour le peuple, 1863

Abraham Lincoln: Citations en anglais

“Upon the subject of education, not presuming to dictate any plan or system respecting it, I can only say that I view it as the most important subject which we as a people can be engaged in.”

Address Delivered in Candidacy for the State Legislature (9 March 1832)
1830s
Contexte: Upon the subject of education, not presuming to dictate any plan or system respecting it, I can only say that I view it as the most important subject which we as a people can be engaged in. That every man may receive at least a moderate education, and thereby be enabled to read the histories of his own and other countries, by which he may duly appreciate the value of our free institutions, appears to be an object of vital importance, even on this account alone, to say nothing of the advantages and satisfaction to be derived from all being able to read the Scriptures, and other works both of a religious and moral nature, for themselves.

“I like to see a man proud of the place in which he lives. I like to see a man live so that his place will be proud of him. Be honest, but hate no one; overturn a man's wrongdoing, but do not overturn him unless it must be done in overturning the wrong. Stand with a man while he is right, and part with him when he goes wrong.”

The last sentence is from the 16 October 1854 Peoria speech, slightly paraphrased. No known contemporary source for the rest. It first appears, attributed to Lincoln, in US religious/inspirational journals in 1907-8, such as p123, Friends Intelligencer: a religious and family journal, Volume 65, Issue 8 (1908)
Misattributed

“Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration.”

Source: 1860s, First State of the Union address (1861)
Contexte: Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always will be, a relation between labor and capital producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole labor of community exists within that relation.

“It will not do to investigate the subject of religion too closely, as it is apt to lead to Infidelity.”

Claimed by atheist Franklin Steiner, on p. 144 of one of his books to have appeared in Manford's Magazine but he never gives a year of publication.
Misattributed

“If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong.”

1850s, Speech at Peoria, Illinois (1854)
Contexte: The foregoing history may not be precisely accurate in every particular; but I am sure it is sufficiently so, for all the uses I shall attempt to make of it, and in it, we have before us, the chief material enabling us to correctly judge whether the repeal of the Missouri Compromise is right or wrong.
I think, and shall try to show, that it is wrong; wrong in its direct effect, letting slavery into Kansas and Nebraska — and wrong in its prospective principle, allowing it to spread to every other part of the wide world, where men can be found inclined to take it.
This declared indifference, but as I must think, covert real zeal for the spread of slavery, I can not but hate. I hate it because of the monstrous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it because it deprives our republican example of its just influence in the world — enables the enemies of free institutions, with plausibility, to taunt us as hypocrites — causes the real friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity, and especially because it forces so many really good men amongst ourselves into an open war with the very fundamental principles of civil liberty — criticising the Declaration of Independence, and insisting that there is no right principle of action but self-interest.

“Tis better people think you a fool, then open your mouth and erase all doubt.”

Variously attributed to Lincoln, Elbert Hubbard, Mark Twain, Benjamin Franklin and Socrates
Misattributed
Variante: It is better to be silent and be thought a fool than to speak and remove all doubt.

“People who have no vices, have very few virtues.”

According to The Inner Life of Abraham Lincoln (1867) by F. B. Carpenter, Lincoln quoted this as having been said to him by a fellow-passenger in a stagecoach. See also "Washington during the War", Macmillan's Magazine 6:24 http://books.google.com/books?id=rB4AAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA24&dq=folks (May 1862)
Posthumous attributions
Variante: It's my experience that folks who have no vices have generally very few virtues.

“Truth is generally the best vindication against slander.”

Letter to Edwin Stanton (14 July 1864); published in Abraham Lincoln: A History (1890) by John Hay
1860s

“After the failure of his first experimental explorations around Vicksburg, a committee of abolition war managers waited upon the President and demanded the General’s removal, on the false charge that he was a whiskey drinker, and little better than a common drunkard. “Ah!” exclaimed Honest Old Abe, “you surprise me, gentlemen. But can you tell me where he gets his whiskey?” “We cannot, Mr. President. But why do you desire to know?” “Because, if I can only find out, I will send a barrel of this wonderful whiskey to every general in the army.””

Statement first attributed in the New York Herald, (September 18, 1863) in response to allegations his most successful general drank too much; as quoted in Wit and Wisdom of the American Presidents: A Book of Quotations (2000) by Joslyn T. Pine, p. 26.
When some one charged Gen. Grant, in the President’s hearing, with drinking too much liquor, Mr. Lincoln, recalling Gen. Grant’s successes, said that if he could find out what brand of whisky Grant drank, he would send a barrel of it to all the other commanders.
The New York Times, October 30, 1863
Major Eckert asked Mr. Lincoln if the story of his interview with the complainant against General Grant was true. The story was: a growler called on the President and complained bitterly of General Grant’s drunkenness. The President inquired very solicitously, if the man could tell him where the General got his liquor. The man really was very sorry but couldn’t say where he did get it. The President replied that he would like very much to find out so he could get a quantity of it and send a barrel to all his Major Generals. Mr. Lincoln said he had heard the story before and it would be very good if he had said it, but he did not, and he supposed it was charged to him to give it currency. He then said the original of this story was in King George’s time. Bitter complaints were made to the King against his General Wolfe in which it was charged that he was mad. “Well,” said the King, “I wish he would bite some of my other Generals then.
Authenticity of quote first refuted in “The Military Telegraph During the Civil War in the United States” by William R. Plum, (1882).
Disputed

“All I ask for the negro is that if you not like him, let him alone. If God gave him but little let him enjoy.”

Speech in Springfield, Illinois https://cwcrossroads.wordpress.com/2011/01/18/race-and-slavery-north-and-south-some-logical-fallacies/#comment-47553 (17 July 1858)
1850s

“As a general rule, I abstain from reading the reports of attacks upon myself, wishing not to be provoked by that to which I can not properly offer an answer. In spite of this precaution, however, it comes to my knowledge that I am much censured for some supposed agency in setting up, and seeking to sustain, the new State government of Louisiana. In this I have done just so much as, and no more than, the public knows. In the Annual Message of Dec. 1863 and accompanying Proclamation, I presented a plan of re-construction (as the phrase goes) which, I promised, if adopted by any State, should be acceptable to, and sustained by, the Executive government of the nation. I distinctly stated that this was not the only plan which might possibly be acceptable; and I also distinctly protested that the Executive claimed no right to say when, or whether members should be admitted to seats in Congress from such States. This plan was, in advance, submitted to the then Cabinet, and distinctly approved by every member of it. One of them suggested that I should then, and in that connection, apply the Emancipation Proclamation to the theretofore excepted parts of Virginia and Louisiana; that I should drop the suggestion about apprenticeship for freed-people, and that I should omit the protest against my own power, in regard to the admission of members to Congress; but even he approved every part and parcel of the plan which has since been employed or touched by the action of Louisiana. The new constitution of Louisiana, declaring emancipation for the whole State, practically applies the Proclamation to the part previously excepted. It does not adopt apprenticeship for freed-people; and it is silent, as it could not well be otherwise, about the admission of members to Congress. So that, as it applies to Louisiana, every member of the Cabinet fully approved the plan. The message went to Congress, and I received many commendations of the plan, written and verbal; and not a single objection to it, from any professed emancipationist, came to my knowledge, until after the news reached Washington that the people of Louisiana had begun to move in accordance with it. From about July 1862, I had corresponded with different persons, supposed to be interested, seeking a reconstruction of a State government for Louisiana. When the message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached New-Orleans, General Banks wrote me that he was confident the people, with his military co-operation, would reconstruct, substantially on that plan. I wrote him, and some of them to try it; they tried it, and the result is known. Such only has been my agency in getting up the Louisiana government. As to sustaining it, my promise is out, as before stated. But, as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall treat this as a bad promise, and break it, whenever I shall be convinced that keeping it is adverse to the public interest. But I have not yet been so convinced.”

1860s, Last public address (1865)

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