Mosze Dajan cytaty

Mosze Dajan – izraelski wojskowy i polityk, generał porucznik , oficer dyplomowany Sił Obronnych Izraela, w latach 1953–1958 szef Sztabu Generalnego Sił Obronnych Izraela, w latach 1967–1974 minister obrony, w latach 1976–1979 minister spraw zagranicznych.

W opinii publicznej Izraela był postrzegany jako osoba, która przyczyniła się do wielkiego zwycięstwa w wojnie sześciodniowej i powstrzymała klęskę wojny Jom Kipur. Z tego powodu był on uznawany przez wielu za bohatera narodowego. Korzystając z kredytu zaufania społecznego, zaangażował się w działalność polityczną. Jako minister spraw zagranicznych przyczynił się do opracowania traktatu pokojowego z Egiptem. W życiu osobistym był człowiekiem o niezwykłej osobowości, dla wielu bardzo kontrowersyjnym. Miał wielki wpływ na państwo Izrael w pierwszych latach jego istnienia. Wikipedia  

✵ 20. Maj 1915 – 16. Październik 1981
Mosze Dajan Fotografia
Mosze Dajan: 16   Cytatów 0   Polubień

Mosze Dajan: Cytaty po angielsku

“Misattributed: [Israel] must see the sword as the main, if not the only, instrument with which to keep its morale high and to retain its moral tension. Toward this end it may, no — it must — invent dangers, and to do this it must adopt the method of provocation-and-revenge…”

This has been reported to be a direct quotation of Dayan in the diaries of Moshe Sharett, but is actually derived from an interpretive commentary by Livia Rokach in "Israel's Sacred Terrorism" (1980) upon statements of Dayan reported in Sharett's diaries, from accounts provided to him by Ya'acob Herzog and Gideon Raphael — in other words, it is a third-hand interpretation of Dayan's meaning, based on a second hand report of his arguments. Sharett's summation of Dayan's statements of 26 May 1955 read: We do not need a security pact with the U.S.: such a pact will only constitute an obstacle for us. We face no danger at all of an Arab advantage of force for the next 8-10 years. Even if they receive massive military aid from the West, we shall maintain our military superiority thanks to our infinitely greater capacity to assimilate new armaments. The security pact will only handcuff us and deny us the freedom of action which we need in the coming years. Reprisal actions which we couldn't carry out if we were tied to a security pact are our vital lymph ... they make it possible for us to maintain a high level of tension among our population and in the army. Without these actions we would have ceased to be a combative people and without the discipline of a combative people we are lost. We have to cry out that the Negev is in danger, so that young men will go there.... Rokach's interpretive assessment of this diary entry by Sharett produces: The conclusions from Dayan's words are clear: This State has no international obligations, no economic problems, the question of peace is nonexistent... It must calculate its steps narrow-mindedly and live on its sword. It must see the sword as the main, if not the only, instrument with which to keep its morale high and to retain its moral tension. Toward this end it may, no — it must — invent dangers, and to do this it must adopt the method of provocation-and-revenge.. . . And above all — let us hope for a new war with the Arab countries, so that we may finally get rid of our troubles and acquire our space.
Ref: en.wikiquote.org - Moshe Dayan / Misattributed
The Iron Wall (1999)

“There is no more Palestine. Finished...”

As quoted in TIME Magazine (30 July 1973)

“In two cases I did not fulfill my role as defense minister, in that I did not stop things that I was sure should have been stopped.”

On Israeli settlements on the Golan Heights and in Hebron, in a private conversation in 1976 with Rami Tal, as quoted in Associated Press http://www.radioislam.org/historia/zionism/dayan_regrets.html reports (11 May 1997)

“Let's say "we don't have a solution, and you will continue living like dogs, and whoever wants will go, and we'll see how this procedure will work out."”

For now, it works out. Let's say the truth. We want peace. If there is no peace, we will maintain military rule and we will have four to five military compounds on the mountains, and they will sit ten years under the Israeli military regime. Whoever wants to go, will want. It's possible that in five years, there will be 200,000 fewer people, and that's an enormous thing.

Strategizing an approach to the refugees in West Bank if Jordan rejects a peace deal, in Mehiro shel Ihud (Revivim, 1985) by Yossi Beilin, p. 42

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