Friedrich Hayek citations

Friedrich Hayek, né Friedrich August von Hayek le 8 mai 1899 à Vienne et mort le 23 mars 1992 à Fribourg, est un philosophe et économiste britannique originaire d'Autriche, membre de l'École autrichienne et promoteur du libéralisme, opposé au keynésianisme, au socialisme et à l'étatisme. Il est considéré comme l'un des penseurs politiques les plus importants du XXe siècle,, et il reçut le Prix de la Banque de Suède en sciences économiques en mémoire d'Alfred Nobel en 1974 pour « ses travaux pionniers dans la théorie de la monnaie et des fluctuations économiques et pour son analyse de l'interdépendance des phénomènes économiques, sociaux et institutionnels », prix partagé avec Gunnar Myrdal, récompensé pour les mêmes raisons.

Friedrich Hayek s'est intéressé à de nombreux champs de la connaissance humaine, comme l'économie, le droit, la psychologie, la philosophie ou la science politique. Sa pensée est notamment développée dans les ouvrages de philosophie politique comme La Route de la servitude , La Constitution de la liberté ou encore Droit, législation et liberté , ouvrages significatifs de la pensée libérale. Hayek a servi durant la Première Guerre mondiale et déclara que son expérience de la guerre et son désir d'aider à éviter de nouveau les erreurs qui ont amené à ce conflit ont mené sa carrière de penseur et d'économiste.

Hayek a vécu en Autriche, au Royaume-Uni, aux États-Unis, en Allemagne, et a été naturalisé britannique en 1938. Il passa la majeure partie de sa vie académique à la London School of Economics, l'Université de Chicago et l'Université de Fribourg-en-Brisgau. Il a été nommé à l'ordre des compagnons d'honneur en 1984 par la reine Élisabeth II pour « ses services à l'étude des sciences économiques » et a reçu également la médaille présidentielle de la Liberté en 1991 par le président américain George H. W. Bush. En 2011, son article Utilisation de l'information dans la société a été sélectionné dans le top 20 des articles publiés par l'American Economic Review durant ses cent premières années.

✵ 8. mai 1899 – 23. mars 1992   •   Autres noms Friedrich von Hayek, Фридрих Август фон Хайек

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Friedrich Hayek: 103   citations 2   J'aime

Friedrich Hayek citations célèbres

“Je dirai que, comme institutions pour le long terme, je suis complètement contre les dictatures. Mais une dictature peut être un système nécessaire pour une période transitoire. Parfois il est nécessaire pour un pays d'avoir, pour un temps, une forme ou une autre de pouvoir dictatorial. […] Personnellement je préfère un dictateur libéral plutôt qu'un gouvernement démocratique manquant de libéralisme. Mon impression personnelle est que […] au Chili par exemple, nous assisterons à la transition d'un gouvernement dictatorial vers un gouvernement libéral.”

Well, I would say that, as long-term institutions, I am totally against dictatorships. But a dictatorship may be a necessary system for a transitional period. At times it is necessary for a country to have, for a time, some form or other of dictatorial power. […] Personally I prefer a liberal dictator to democratic government lacking liberalism. My personal impression […] is that in Chile, for example, we will witness a transition from a dictatorial government to a liberal government.
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Friedrich Hayek Citations

Friedrich Hayek: Citations en anglais

“The curious task of economics is to demonstrate to men how little they really know about what they imagine they can design.”

Friedrich Hayek livre The Fatal Conceit

Source: 1980s and later, The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism (1988), Ch. 5: The Fatal Conceit.
Contexte: Whereas, in fact, specialised students, even after generations of effort, find it exceedingly difficult to explain such matters, and cannot agree on what are the causes or what will be the effects of particular events. The curious task of economics is to demonstrate to men how little they really know about what they imagine they can design.
To the naive mind that can conceive of order only as the product of deliberate arrangement, it may seem absurd that in complex conditions order, and adaptation to the unknown, can be achieved more effectively by decentralizing decisions and that a division of authority will actually extend the possibility of overall order. Yet that decentralization actually leads to more information being taken into account.

“It is no exaggeration to say that the central aim of socialism is to discredit those traditional morals which keep us alive.”

"The Origins and Effects of Our Morals: A Problem for Science", in The Essence of Hayek (1984)
1980s and later

“The more the state "plans" the more difficult planning becomes for the individual.”

Source: 1940s–1950s, The Road to Serfdom (1944), Chapter 6: Planning and the Rule of Law

“Well, I would say that, as long-term institutions, I am totally against dictatorships. But a dictatorship may be a necessary system for a transitional period. At times it is necessary for a country to have, for a time, some form or other of dictatorial power. As you will understand, it is possible for a dictator to govern in a liberal way. And it is also possible for a democracy to govern with a total lack of liberalism. Personally I prefer a liberal dictator to democratic government lacking liberalism.”

Interview in El Mercurio (1981)
1980s and later
Contexte: Well, I would say that, as long-term institutions, I am totally against dictatorships. But a dictatorship may be a necessary system for a transitional period. At times it is necessary for a country to have, for a time, some form or other of dictatorial power. As you will understand, it is possible for a dictator to govern in a liberal way. And it is also possible for a democracy to govern with a total lack of liberalism. Personally I prefer a liberal dictator to democratic government lacking liberalism. My personal impression — and this is valid for South America — is that in Chile, for example, we will witness a transition from a dictatorial government to a liberal government. And during this transition it may be necessary to maintain certain dictatorial powers, not as something permanent, but as a temporary arrangement.

“I have arrived at the conviction that the neglect by economists to discuss seriously what is really the crucial problem of our time is due to a certain timidity about soiling their hands by going from purely scientific questions into value questions.”

Conversation at the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington, D.C. (9 February 1978); published in A Conversation with Friedrich A. Von Hayek: Science and Socialism (1979)
1960s–1970s
Contexte: I have arrived at the conviction that the neglect by economists to discuss seriously what is really the crucial problem of our time is due to a certain timidity about soiling their hands by going from purely scientific questions into value questions. This is a belief deliberately maintained by the other side because if they admitted that the issue is not a scientific question, they would have to admit that their science is antiquated and that, in academic circles, it occupies the position of astrology and not one that has any justification for serious consideration in scientific discussion. It seems to me that socialists today can preserve their position in academic economics merely by the pretense that the differences are entirely moral questions about which science cannot decide.

“Yet that decentralization actually leads to more information being taken into account.”

Friedrich Hayek livre The Fatal Conceit

Source: 1980s and later, The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism (1988), Ch. 5: The Fatal Conceit.
Contexte: Whereas, in fact, specialised students, even after generations of effort, find it exceedingly difficult to explain such matters, and cannot agree on what are the causes or what will be the effects of particular events. The curious task of economics is to demonstrate to men how little they really know about what they imagine they can design.
To the naive mind that can conceive of order only as the product of deliberate arrangement, it may seem absurd that in complex conditions order, and adaptation to the unknown, can be achieved more effectively by decentralizing decisions and that a division of authority will actually extend the possibility of overall order. Yet that decentralization actually leads to more information being taken into account.

“Any kind of discrimination — be it on grounds of religion, political opinion, race, or whatever it is — seems to be incompatible with the idea of freedom under the law. Experience has shown that separate never is equal and cannot be equal.”

"Conversation with Systematic Liberalism," Forum (September 1961). <!-- p. 6. ; also in Friedrich Hayek : A Biography (2003) by Alan O. Ebenstein-->
1960s–1970s
Contexte: nowiki>[Apartheid law in South Africa] appears to be a clear and even extreme instance of that discrimination between different individuals which seems to me to be incompatible with the reign of liberty. The essence of what I said [in The Constitution of Liberty] was really the fact that the laws under which government can use coercion are equal for all responsible adult members of that society. Any kind of discrimination — be it on grounds of religion, political opinion, race, or whatever it is — seems to be incompatible with the idea of freedom under the law. Experience has shown that separate never is equal and cannot be equal.

“Our basic problem is that we have three levels, I would say, of moral beliefs. We have the first instance, our intuitive moral feelings which are adapted to the small, person-to-person society where we act for people whom we know and are served by people whom we know. Then, we have a society governed by moral traditions which, unlike what modern rationalists believe, are not intellectual discoveries of men who designed them, but as a result of a persons, which I now prefer to describe as term of 'group selection.' Those groups who had accidentally developed such as the tradition of private property and the family who did succeed, but never understood this. So we owe our present extended order of human cooperation very largely to a moral tradition which the intellectual does not approve of, because it has never been intellectually designed and it has to compete with a third level of moral beliefs, those which the morals which the intellectuals designed in the hope that they can better satisfy man's instincts than the traditional morals to do. And we live in a world where three moral traditions are in constant conflict, the innate ones, the traditional ones, and the intellectually designed ones, and ultimately, all our political conflicts of this time can be reduced as affected by a conflict between free moral tradition of a different nature, not only of different content.”

in 1985 interview https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=11AXDT5824Y with John O'Sullivan
1980s and later

“Since the value of freedom rests on the opportunities it provides for unforeseen and unpredictable actions, we will rarely know what we lose through a particular restriction of freedom.”

“Principles or Expediency?” Toward Liberty: Essays in Honor of Ludwig von Mises on the Occasion of his 90th Birthday (29 September 1971)
1960s–1970s

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