Friedrich Hayek citations Page 3

“C'est une caractéristique essentielle d'une société libre que la situation d'un individu n'ait pas de rapport nécessaire avec l'opinion de ses concitoyens sur le mérite qu'il s'est acquis.”

La Route de la servitude (The Road to Serfdom), 1943

Friedrich Hayek livre La Constitution de la liberté

La Constitution de la liberté ('), 1960

“Bien des gens qui se considèrent très au-dessus des aberrations du nazisme et qui en haïssent très sincèrement toutes les manifestations, travaillent en même temps pour des idéaux dont la réalisation mènerait tout droit à cette tyrannie abhorrée.”

“Je dirai que, comme institutions pour le long terme, je suis complètement contre les dictatures. Mais une dictature peut être un système nécessaire pour une période transitoire. Parfois il est nécessaire pour un pays d'avoir, pour un temps, une forme ou une autre de pouvoir dictatorial. […] Personnellement je préfère un dictateur libéral plutôt qu'un gouvernement démocratique manquant de libéralisme. Mon impression personnelle est que […] au Chili par exemple, nous assisterons à la transition d'un gouvernement dictatorial vers un gouvernement libéral.”

La Route de la servitude ('), 1943

“Il n'y a rien dans les principes du libéralisme qui permette d'en faire un dogme immuable; il n'y a pas de règles stables, fixées une fois pour toutes. Il y a un principe fondamental : à savoir que dans la conduite de nos affaires nous devons faire le plus grand usage possible des forces sociales spontanées, et recourir le moins possible à la coercition.”

Well, I would say that, as long-term institutions, I am totally against dictatorships. But a dictatorship may be a necessary system for a transitional period. At times it is necessary for a country to have, for a time, some form or other of dictatorial power. […] Personally I prefer a liberal dictator to democratic government lacking liberalism. My personal impression […] is that in Chile, for example, we will witness a transition from a dictatorial government to a liberal government.
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“[Le libéralisme économique] considère la concurrence comme supérieure non seulement parce qu'elle est dans la plupart des circonstances la méthode la plus efficace qu'on connaisse, mais plus encore parce qu'elle est la seule méthode qui permette d'ajuster nos activités les unes aux autres sans intervention arbitraire ou coercitive de l'autorité.”

La Route de la servitude (The Road to Serfdom), 1943

“La démocratie est avant tout un processus de formation de l'opinion. Son avantage principal ne réside pas dans sa méthode de sélection de ceux qui gouvernent, mais dans le fait que lorsqu'une grande partie de la population prend une part active dans la formation de l'opinion, il y a aussi une plus grande variété de personnes parmi lesquelles choisir de possibles gouvernants.”

La Route de la servitude ('), 1943

Friedrich Hayek Citations

Friedrich Hayek livre La Constitution de la liberté

La Constitution de la liberté ('), 1960

“Bien plutôt, déclarer que quelqu’un est responsable de ce qu’il fait tend à rendre ses actions différentes de ce qu’elles seraient s’il ne croyait pas l’être réellement. Nous assignons à un homme de la responsabilité, non pour dire que tel qu’il était il aurait pu agir autrement, mais afin de le rendre différent.”

Friedrich Hayek livre La Constitution de la liberté

La Constitution de la liberté ('), 1960

“Ambition, impatience, hâte d'agir sont souvent dignes d'admiration chez des individus, mais elles sont pernicieuses quand elles guident l'usage du pouvoir de contraindre et de corriger aux mains de gens qui, une fois investis de l'autorité, supposent que celle-ci s'accompagne d'une sagesse supérieure, et par conséquent du droit d'imposer aux autres leurs convictions.”

Friedrich Hayek livre La Constitution de la liberté

La Constitution de la liberté ('), 1960

“La concurrence est précieuse précisément parce qu’elle constitue une méthode de découverte, dont nous n’aurions pas besoin si ses résultats pouvaient être prédits.”

Friedrich Hayek livre Droit, législation et liberté

Droit, législation et liberté ('), 1973-1979

“Reconnaître l'individu comme juge en dernier ressort de ses propres fins, croire que dans la mesure du possible ses propres opinions doivent gouverner ses actes, telle est l'essence de l'individualisme.”

“La raison humaine ne peut ni prévoir ni modeler délibérément son propre devenir. Ses avancées consistent à déceler les endroits où elle s'est trompée.”

La Route de la servitude ('), 1943

Friedrich Hayek livre La Constitution de la liberté

La Constitution de la liberté ('), 1960

“La liberté individuelle est incompatible avec la suprématie d'un but unique auquel toute la société est subordonnée en permanence.”

“Si les hommes en tant que membres de la société civilisée peuvent poursuivre leurs fins individuelles avec plus de succès que s'ils étaient isolés, c'est largement parce que la civilisation leur permet constamment de tirer parti d'un savoir que personnellement ils n'ont pas; et l'emploi fait par chaque individu de son savoir particulier sert à d'autres qu'il ne connaît pas, en leur facilitant la poursuite de leurs buts respectifs.”

La Route de la servitude ('), 1943

Friedrich Hayek livre La Constitution de la liberté

La Constitution de la liberté (The Constitution of Liberty), 1960

“La philosophie politique n'a jamais autant de raisons de se soupçonner de faillir à son devoir que lorsqu'il constate que ses opinions personnelles sont très populaires.”

Friedrich Hayek livre La Constitution de la liberté

La Constitution de la liberté ('), 1960

“Le libéral considère que les bornes qu'il souhaite que la démocratie s'impose, sont précisément les limites dans lesquelles elle peut fonctionner efficacement et celles dans lesquelles elle peut vraiment diriger et contrôler les actes du gouvernement.”

Friedrich Hayek livre La Constitution de la liberté

La Constitution de la liberté ('), 1960

“En dernier ressort, la société de concurrence recourt à l'huissier, et l'économie dirigée, au bourreau.”

“Existe-t-il une échelle de valeurs que tout homme sensé puisse admettre, capable de justifier un nouvel ordre hiérarchique de la société et à même de satisfaire l'aspiration naturelle des hommes à la justice?”

La Route de la servitude ('), 1943

“Ce n'est pas la source mais la limitation du pouvoir qui l'empêche d'être arbitraire.”

La Route de la servitude (The Road to Serfdom), 1943

“La démocratie est essentiellement un moyen, un procédé utilitaire pour sauvegarder la paix intérieure et la liberté individuelle. En tant que telle, elle n'est nullement infaillible. N'oublions pas non plus qu'il a souvent existé plus de liberté culturelle et spirituelle sous un pouvoir autocratique que sous certaines démocraties, — et qu'il est au moins concevable que sous le gouvernement d'une majorité homogène et doctrinaire, la démocratie soit aussi tyrannique que la pire des dictatures.”

La Route de la servitude ('), 1943

“Aussi paradoxal que cela puisse paraître, il est sans doute vrai qu'une société libre qui réussit est toujours dans une large mesure une société attachée à des traditions.”

La Route de la servitude ('), 1943

Friedrich Hayek livre La Constitution de la liberté

La Constitution de la liberté ('), 1960

“Qu’il fût possible aux hommes de vivre ensemble paisiblement et à leur mutuel avantage, sans avoir à se mettre d’accord sur des objectifs concrets communs, en étant tenus simplement par des règles de conduite abstraites, a été peut-être la plus grande découverte qu’ait jamais faite l’humanité.”

Friedrich Hayek livre Droit, législation et liberté

Droit, législation et liberté ('), 1973-1979

“La principale leçon que le vrai libéral doit retenir du succès des socialistes est que ce fut leur courage d'être des utopistes qui leur a valu le soutien des intellectuels et donc un pouvoir d'influence sur l'opinion publique, laquelle sait rendre tous les jours possible ce qui hier semblait hors d'atteinte. Ceux qui ne s'intéressent qu'à ce qui semble praticable dans l'état présent de l'opinion ont toujours pu constater que même cela devenait impossible à réaliser à mesure que survenaient des changements dans une opinion publique qu'ils n'avaient rien fait pour guider.”

“De même que la propriété de tous n'est en fait la propriété de personne, la responsabilité de tout le monde n'est la responsabilité de personne.”

Essais de philosophie, de science politique et d'économie, 1967

Friedrich Hayek livre La Constitution de la liberté

La Constitution de la liberté ('), 1960

Friedrich Hayek: Citations en anglais

“If craftsmen and blacksmiths were feared for transforming material substance, if traders were feared for transforming such intangible qualities as value, how much more will the banker be feared for the transformations he effects with the most abstract and immaterial of all economic institutions? Thus we reach the climax of the progressive replacement of the perceivable and concrete by abstract concepts shaping rules guiding activity: money and its institutions seem to be beyond the boundary of laudable and understandable physical efforts of creation, in a realm where the comprehension of the concrete ceases and incomprehensible abstractions rule.”

“I believe you will be shocked by my stating this so bluntly because we are still guided instinctively by those inherited "natural" emotions… in a sense we are all socialist.”

Source: 1980s and later, The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism (1988), p.102

“Justice, like liberty and coercion, is a concept which, for the sake of clarity, ought to be confined to the deliberate treatment of men by other men.”

1980s and later, Knowledge, Evolution and Society (1983), "Coping with Ignorance", "The Reactionary Nature of the Socialist Conception"

“There is no salvation for Britain unless the special privileges granted to the trade unions in 1906 are revoked. The average level of real wages of British workers would undoubtedly be higher, and their chances of finding employment better, if the wages of different occupations were again determined by the market and all limitations on the work an individual is allowed to do were removed.”

Source: 1960s–1970s, The Constitution of Liberty (1960), p. 99.

“We have found a method of creating an order of human co–operation which far exceeds the limits of our knowledge. We are led to do things by circumstances of which we are largely unaware. We do not know the needs which we satisfy, nor do we know the sources of the things which we get. We stand in an enormous framework into which we fit ourselves by obeying certain rules of conduct that we have never made and never understood, but which have their reason.”

"Trade Unions — The Biggest Obstacle", Economic Affairs (October 1980)
1980s and later

“She was a very good-looking woman, and extremely intelligent. But she wasn’t really very female; she had too much of a male intelligence.”

1980s and later, Knowledge, Evolution and Society (1983), "Coping with Ignorance", "Our Moral Heritage"

“The reasons why the adoption of a system of central planning necessarily produces a totalitarian system are fairly simple. Whoever controls the means must decide which ends they are to serve. As under modern conditions control of economic activity means control of the material means for practically all our ends, it means control over nearly all our activities. The nature of the detailed scale of values which must guide the planning makes it impossible that it should be determined by anything like democratic means. The director of the planned system would have to impose his scale of values, his hierarchy of ends, which, if it is to be sufficient to determine the plan, must include a definite order of rank in which the status of each person is laid down. If the plan is to succeed or the planner to appear successful, the people must be made to believe that the objectives chosen are the right ones. Every criticism of the plan or the ideology underlying it must be treated as sabotage. There can be no freedom of thought, no freedom of the Press, where it is necessary that everything should be governed by a single system of thought. In theory Socialism may wish to enhance freedom, but in practice every kind of collectivism consistently carried thought must produce the characteristic features which Fascism, Nazism, and Communism have in common. Totalitarianism is nothing but consistent collectivism, the ruthless execution of the principle that 'the whole comes before the individual' and the direction of all members of society by a single will supposed to represent the 'whole.”

Conversation https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qNwceWargfs&feature=youtu.be&t=2m10s with Alchian (1978); About Vera Lutz, published in Nobel Prize-Winning Economist: Friedrich A. von Hayek https://archive.org/details/nobelprizewinnin00haye (1983), p. 363 <br class="br">1960s–1970s

“The misconception that costs determined prices prevented economists for a long time from recognizing that it was prices which operated as the indispensable signals telling producers what costs it was worth expending on the production of the various commodities and services, and not the other way around. It was the costs which they had expended which determined the prices of things produced.It was this crucial insight which finally broke through and established itself about a hundred years ago through the so-called marginal revolution in economics.The chief insight gained by modern economists is that the market is essentially an ordering mechanism, growing up without anybody wholly understanding it, that enables us to utilize widely dispersed information about the significance of circumstances of which we are mostly ignorant. However, the various planners (and not only the planners in the socialist camp) and dirigists have still not yet grasped this.”

" Planning, Science and Freedom http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v148/n3759/abs/148580a0.html", Nature 148 (15 November 1941), also available as " Planning, Science, and Freedom https://mises.org/library/planning-science-and-freedom," Mises Daily (Auburn, AL: The Ludwig von Mises Institute, 27 September 2010) <br class="br">1940s–1950s

“My whole concept of economics is based on the idea that we have to explain how prices operate as signals, telling people what they ought to do in particular circumstances. The approach to this problem has been blocked by a cost or labor theory of value, which assumes that prices are determined by the technical conditions of production only. The important question is to explain how the interaction of a great number of people, each possessing only limited knowledge, will bring about an order that could only be achieved by deliberate direction taken by somebody who has the combined knowledge of all these individuals. However, central planning cannot take direct account of particular circumstances of time and place. Additionally, every individual has important bits of information which cannot possibly be conveyed to a central authority in statistical form. In a system in which the knowledge of relevant data is dispersed among millions of agents, prices can act to coordinate the separate actions of different individuals.
Given this context, it is intellectually not satisfactory to attempt to establish causal relations between aggregates or averages in the manner in which the discipline of macroeconomics has attempted to do. Individuals do not make decisions on the basis of partial knowledge of magnitudes such as the total amount of production, or the total quantity of money. Aggregative theorizing leads nowhere.”

1980s and later, Knowledge, Evolution and Society (1983), "Coping with Ignorance"
Source: http://imprimis.hillsdale.edu/coping-with-ignorance/

“I mean, it became particularly acute because Keynes, against his intentions, had stimulated the development of macroeconomics. And I was convinced that not only his particular conclusions, but the whole foundation of macroeconomics was wrong.
So I wanted to demonstrate that we had to return to microeconomics, that this whole prejudice supported by the natural scientists that could deduce anything from measurable magnitudes, the effects of aggregates and averages, came to fascinate me much more. I felt in a way, that the thing which I am now prepared to do, I don’t know as there’s anybody else who can do this particular task. And I rather hoped that what I had done in capital theory would be continued by others. This was a new opening which was much more fascinating. The other would have meant working for a result which I already knew, but had to prove it. Which was very dull.
The other thing was an open problem: How does economics really look like when you recognize it as the prototype of a new kind of science of complex phenomena which could not employ the simple model of mechanics or physics, but had to deal with what then I described as mere pattern predictions, certain limited prediction. That was so much more fascinating as an intellectual problem.”

1960s–1970s, A Conversation with Professor Friedrich A. Hayek (1979)

“I am now profoundly convinced of what I had only hinted at before, namely, that the struggle between the advocates of a free society and the advocates of the socialist system is not a moral but an intellectual conflict. Thus socialists have been led by a very peculiar development to revive certain primitive instincts and feelings which in the course of hundreds of years had been practically suppressed by commercial or mercantile morals, which by the middle of the last century had come to govern the world economy.”

In a 1985 interview with Gary North and Mark Skousen, in Hayek on Hayek (1994)
1980s and later

“There is no doubt, and in this I agree with Milton Friedman, that once the Crash had occurred, the Federal Reserve System pursued a silly deflationary policy. I am not only against inflation but I am also against deflation! So, once again, a badly programmed monetary policy prolonged the depression! So, once again, a badly programmed monetary policy prolonged the depression. One consequence of this policy was, of course, the fact that confidence was destroyed.”

" The Moral Imperative of the Market https://mises.org/library/moral-imperative-market", in The Unfinished Agenda: Essays on the Political Economy of Government Policy in Honour of Arthur Seldon (1986) <br class="br">1980s and later

1960s–1970s, A Conversation with Professor Friedrich A. Hayek (1979)

“The mechanism by which the interaction of democratic decisions and their implementation by the experts often produces results which nobody has desired is a subject which would deserve much more careful attention than it usually receives.”

1980s and later, Knowledge, Evolution and Society (1983), "Coping with Ignorance", "Science and Socialism"
Source: http://www.aei.org/publication/a-conversation-with-friedrich-a-von-hayek/

“When I look at the world, I sometimes feel that here in Germany one may still be in some sort of lifeboat that can hope to keep afloat when the rest of the world goes bust. German and Switzerland and perhaps Austria and Belgium have the few relatively stable currencies in the world.”

Lecture I. Freedom and the Rule of Law: A Historical Survey - 1. Principles and Drift in Democratic Process
1940s–1950s, The Political Ideal of the Rule of Law (1955)

“It seems to me that the future of peaceful international relations and the safety of persons in foreign countries would have been much better served if, after the Iranian Government placed itself outside the community of nations by approving the holding captive of the personnel of the United States embassy, the United States Government had at once sent an ultimatum saying that, unless every single member of the embassy staff were within 48 hours handed over unharmed to representatives of the United States Government at some place outside Iran, bombs would be falling at an increasing rate at the seat of the Iranian Government.”

1980s and later, Interview in Silver & Gold Report (1980)

“The assurance of a certain minimum income for everyone, or a sort of floor below which nobody need fall even when he is unable to provide for himself, appears not only to be a wholly legitimate protection against a risk common to all, but a necessary part of the Great Society in which the individual no longer has specific claims on the members of the particular small group into which he was born.”

On the Iran hostage crisis; letter to The Times (12 January 1980), p. 13
1980s and later

“The treatment of the South Tirolese by the Italians, even before the advent of Fascism worse than anything known until then in modern times in any part of Western or Central Europe, has made the population more unwilling than ever to endure it further.”

Law, Legislation and Liberty, volume 3, chapter 3, p. 55 https://books.google.pt/books?id=nclLLOfnGqAC&pg=PA55 (1979) <br class="br">1960s–1970s, Law, Legislation and Liberty (1973, 1976, 1979)

“I don't believe we shall ever have a good money again before we take the thing out of the hands of government, that is, we can't take it violently out of the hands of government, all we can do is by some sly roundabout way introduce something that they can't stop.”

Protesting against the Allies' decision to hand South Tyrol back to Italy; letter to The Times (22 December 1945), p. 5
1940s–1950s