Friedrich Hayek citations
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Friedrich Hayek, né Friedrich August von Hayek le 8 mai 1899 à Vienne et mort le 23 mars 1992 à Fribourg, est un philosophe et économiste britannique originaire d'Autriche, membre de l'École autrichienne et promoteur du libéralisme, opposé au keynésianisme, au socialisme et à l'étatisme. Il est considéré comme l'un des penseurs politiques les plus importants du XXe siècle,, et il reçut le Prix de la Banque de Suède en sciences économiques en mémoire d'Alfred Nobel en 1974 pour « ses travaux pionniers dans la théorie de la monnaie et des fluctuations économiques et pour son analyse de l'interdépendance des phénomènes économiques, sociaux et institutionnels », prix partagé avec Gunnar Myrdal, récompensé pour les mêmes raisons.

Friedrich Hayek s'est intéressé à de nombreux champs de la connaissance humaine, comme l'économie, le droit, la psychologie, la philosophie ou la science politique. Sa pensée est notamment développée dans les ouvrages de philosophie politique comme La Route de la servitude , La Constitution de la liberté ou encore Droit, législation et liberté , ouvrages significatifs de la pensée libérale. Hayek a servi durant la Première Guerre mondiale et déclara que son expérience de la guerre et son désir d'aider à éviter de nouveau les erreurs qui ont amené à ce conflit ont mené sa carrière de penseur et d'économiste.

Hayek a vécu en Autriche, au Royaume-Uni, aux États-Unis, en Allemagne, et a été naturalisé britannique en 1938. Il passa la majeure partie de sa vie académique à la London School of Economics, l'Université de Chicago et l'Université de Fribourg-en-Brisgau. Il a été nommé à l'ordre des compagnons d'honneur en 1984 par la reine Élisabeth II pour « ses services à l'étude des sciences économiques » et a reçu également la médaille présidentielle de la Liberté en 1991 par le président américain George H. W. Bush. En 2011, son article Utilisation de l'information dans la société a été sélectionné dans le top 20 des articles publiés par l'American Economic Review durant ses cent premières années.

✵ 8. mai 1899 – 23. mars 1992   •   Autres noms Friedrich von Hayek, Фридрих Август фон Хайек
Friedrich Hayek: 103   citations 2   J'aime

Friedrich Hayek citations célèbres

“Je dirai que, comme institutions pour le long terme, je suis complètement contre les dictatures. Mais une dictature peut être un système nécessaire pour une période transitoire. Parfois il est nécessaire pour un pays d'avoir, pour un temps, une forme ou une autre de pouvoir dictatorial. […] Personnellement je préfère un dictateur libéral plutôt qu'un gouvernement démocratique manquant de libéralisme. Mon impression personnelle est que […] au Chili par exemple, nous assisterons à la transition d'un gouvernement dictatorial vers un gouvernement libéral.”

Well, I would say that, as long-term institutions, I am totally against dictatorships. But a dictatorship may be a necessary system for a transitional period. At times it is necessary for a country to have, for a time, some form or other of dictatorial power. […] Personally I prefer a liberal dictator to democratic government lacking liberalism. My personal impression […] is that in Chile, for example, we will witness a transition from a dictatorial government to a liberal government.
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Friedrich Hayek Citations

Friedrich Hayek: Citations en anglais

“I believe you will be shocked by my stating this so bluntly because we are still guided instinctively by those inherited "natural" emotions… in a sense we are all socialist.”

1980s and later, Knowledge, Evolution and Society (1983), "Coping with Ignorance", "The Reactionary Nature of the Socialist Conception"

“She was a very good-looking woman, and extremely intelligent. But she wasn’t really very female; she had too much of a male intelligence.”

Conversation https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qNwceWargfs&feature=youtu.be&t=2m10s with Alchian (1978); About Vera Lutz, published in Nobel Prize-Winning Economist: Friedrich A. von Hayek https://archive.org/details/nobelprizewinnin00haye (1983), p. 363
1960s–1970s

“The reasons why the adoption of a system of central planning necessarily produces a totalitarian system are fairly simple. Whoever controls the means must decide which ends they are to serve. As under modern conditions control of economic activity means control of the material means for practically all our ends, it means control over nearly all our activities. The nature of the detailed scale of values which must guide the planning makes it impossible that it should be determined by anything like democratic means. The director of the planned system would have to impose his scale of values, his hierarchy of ends, which, if it is to be sufficient to determine the plan, must include a definite order of rank in which the status of each person is laid down. If the plan is to succeed or the planner to appear successful, the people must be made to believe that the objectives chosen are the right ones. Every criticism of the plan or the ideology underlying it must be treated as sabotage. There can be no freedom of thought, no freedom of the Press, where it is necessary that everything should be governed by a single system of thought. In theory Socialism may wish to enhance freedom, but in practice every kind of collectivism consistently carried thought must produce the characteristic features which Fascism, Nazism, and Communism have in common. Totalitarianism is nothing but consistent collectivism, the ruthless execution of the principle that 'the whole comes before the individual' and the direction of all members of society by a single will supposed to represent the 'whole.”

" Planning, Science and Freedom http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v148/n3759/abs/148580a0.html", Nature 148 (15 November 1941), also available as " Planning, Science, and Freedom https://mises.org/library/planning-science-and-freedom," Mises Daily (Auburn, AL: The Ludwig von Mises Institute, 27 September 2010)
1940s–1950s

“My whole concept of economics is based on the idea that we have to explain how prices operate as signals, telling people what they ought to do in particular circumstances. The approach to this problem has been blocked by a cost or labor theory of value, which assumes that prices are determined by the technical conditions of production only. The important question is to explain how the interaction of a great number of people, each possessing only limited knowledge, will bring about an order that could only be achieved by deliberate direction taken by somebody who has the combined knowledge of all these individuals. However, central planning cannot take direct account of particular circumstances of time and place. Additionally, every individual has important bits of information which cannot possibly be conveyed to a central authority in statistical form. In a system in which the knowledge of relevant data is dispersed among millions of agents, prices can act to coordinate the separate actions of different individuals.
Given this context, it is intellectually not satisfactory to attempt to establish causal relations between aggregates or averages in the manner in which the discipline of macroeconomics has attempted to do. Individuals do not make decisions on the basis of partial knowledge of magnitudes such as the total amount of production, or the total quantity of money. Aggregative theorizing leads nowhere.”

1960s–1970s, A Conversation with Professor Friedrich A. Hayek (1979)

“The mechanism by which the interaction of democratic decisions and their implementation by the experts often produces results which nobody has desired is a subject which would deserve much more careful attention than it usually receives.”

Lecture I. Freedom and the Rule of Law: A Historical Survey - 1. Principles and Drift in Democratic Process
1940s–1950s, The Political Ideal of the Rule of Law (1955)

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