Noam Chomsky idézet
Születési dátum: 7. december 1928
Más nevek:Ноам Чомский, Avram Noam Chomsky
Noam Chomsky amerikai nyelvész, a Massachusetts Institute of Technology professzora, a generatív nyelvtan elméletének megalkotója, filozófus, politikai aktivista, előadó és lektor. Kidolgozója a róla elnevezett Chomsky-hierarchiának.
Az általános nyelvtudomány terén végzett munkásságával nagyban hozzájárult a behaviorizmus hanyatlásához és a kognitív tudomány fellendüléséhez. A nyelvészet terén mutatott kiemelkedő munkája mellett Chomsky az egyik leginkább számon tartott amerikai baloldali értelmiségi, és a vietnámi háború óta világszerte az amerikai külpolitika és gazdaságpolitika éles bírálójaként ismert. Az 1992-es „Arts and Humanities Citation Index” szerint 1980 és 1992 között Chomsky volt a világon a leggyakrabban idézett élő személy. A professzor a politikában is aktívan részt vesz, magát libertariánus szocialistának vallja, és szimpatizál az anarcho-szindikalizmus nézeteivel is. Tagja az Industrial Workers of the World elnevezésű szervezetnek és az Anticionista Mozgalomnak.Chomsky szerint a nyelvtan olyan szabályrendszer, amely meghatározza és létrehozza az adott nyelvben lehetséges, nyelvtanilag helyes mondatok körét. Chomsky megkülönbözteti a nyelv felszíni és mélystruktúráját: a mélystruktúra a nyelv alapja, amely bizonyos transzformációs szabályok segítségével létrehozza a felszíni struktúrát, azaz a nyelvi megnyilvánulásokat. A nyelvi kompetencia, a nyelv használatának képessége minden ember veleszületett tulajdonsága, tehát már a nyelv tanulása előtt megtalálható. Ezek olyan általános struktúrák, melyek az egyes nyelvekben közösek. A nyelv tanulása során ezeket a struktúrákat az adott nyelv igényei szerint állítják be .
Idézetek Noam Chomsky
„The smart way to keep people passive and obedient is to strictly limit the spectrum of acceptable opinion, but allow very lively debate within that spectrum - even encourage the more critical and dissident views. That gives people the sense that there's free thinking going on, while all the time the presuppositions of the system are being reinforced by the limits put on the range of the debate.“
— Noam Chomsky, The Common Good
— Noam Chomsky
Context: The crisis began with the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait a year ago. There was some fighting, leaving hundreds killed according to Human Rights groups. That hardly qualifies as war. Rather, in terms of crimes against peace and against humanity, it falls roughly into the category of the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus, Israel's invasion of Lebanon in 1978, and the U. S. invasion of Panama. In these terms it falls well short of Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon, and cannot remotely be compared with the near-genocidal Indonesian invasion and annexation of East Timor, to mention only two cases of aggression that are still in progress, with continuing atrocities and with the crucial support of those who most passionately professed their outrage over Iraq's aggression. During the subsequent months, Iraq was responsible for terrible crimes in Kuwait, with several thousand killed and many tortured. But that is not war; rather, state terrorism, of the kind familiar among U. S. clients. The second phase of the conflict began with the U. S.-U. K. attack of January 15 (with marginal participation of others). This was slaughter http://www.hrw.org/reports/1991/gulfwar/index.htm, not war. Z Magazine, August 31, 1991 http://www.zmag.org/chomsky/articles/z9110-aftermath.html.
— Noam Chomsky, Media Control: The Spectacular Achievements of Propaganda
— Noam Chomsky
Noam Chomsky in interview by John Pilger on BBC's The Late Show, November 25, 1992 http://jmm.aaa.net.au/articles/14177.htm.
„Washington's furious assault on a poor peasant society had little to do with its wars in the region.“
— Noam Chomsky
Context: Every year thousands of people, mostly children and poor farmers, are killed in the Plain of Jars in Northern Laos, the scene of the heaviest bombing of civilian targets in history it appears, and arguably the most cruel: Washington's furious assault on a poor peasant society had little to do with its wars in the region. The worst period was from 1968, when Washington was compelled to undertake negotiations (under popular and business pressure), ending the regular bombardment of North Vietnam. Kissinger-Nixon then decided to shift the planes to bombardment of Laos and Cambodia. The deaths are from "bombies," tiny anti-personnel weapons, far worse than land-mines: they are designed specifically to kill and maim, and have no effect on trucks, buildings, etc. The Plain was saturated with hundreds of millions of these criminal devices, which have a failure-to-explode rate of 20%-30% according to the manufacturer, Honeywell. The numbers suggest either remarkably poor quality control or a rational policy of murdering civilians by delayed action. These were only a fraction of the technology deployed, including advanced missiles to penetrate caves where families sought shelter. Current annual casualties from "bombies" are estimated from hundreds a year to "an annual nationwide casualty rate of 20,000," more than half of them deaths, according to the veteran Asia reporter Barry Wain of the Wall Street Journal -- in its Asia edition. A conservative estimate, then, is that the crisis this year is approximately comparable to Kosovo, though deaths are far more highly concentrated among children -- over half, according to analyses reported by the Mennonite Central Committee, which has been working there since 1977 to alleviate the continuing atrocities. There have been efforts to publicize and deal with the humanitarian catastrophe. A British-based Mine Advisory Group ( MAG http://www.mag.org.uk/) is trying to remove the lethal objects, but the US is "conspicuously missing from the handful of Western organizations that have followed MAG," the British press reports, though it has finally agreed to train some Laotian civilians. The British press also reports, with some anger, the allegation of MAG specialists that the US refuses to provide them with "render harmless procedures" that would make their work "a lot quicker and a lot safer." These remain a state secret, as does the whole affair in the United States. The Bangkok press reports a very similar situation in Cambodia, particularly the Eastern region where US bombardment from early 1969 was most intense. ZNet, March 1999 http://www.chomsky.info/articles/199903--.htm.
— Noam Chomsky
Context: The consistent anarchist, then, should be a socialist, but a socialist of a particular sort. He will not only oppose alienated and specialized labor and look forward to the appropriation of capital by the whole body of workers, but he will also insist that this appropriation be direct, not exercised by some elite force acting in the name of the proletariat. " Notes on Anarchism http://www.chomsky.info/articles/1970----.htm," in: Daniel Guérin Anarchism: From Theory to Practice, 1970.
„What I find terrifying is the detachment and equanimity with which we view and discuss an unbearable tragedy.“
— Noam Chomsky
Context: After the first International Days of Protest in October, 1965, Senator Mansfield criticized the "sense of utter irresponsibility" shown by the demonstrators. He had nothing to say then, nor has he since, about the "sense of utter irresponsibility" shown by Senator Mansfield and others who stand by quietly and vote appropriations as the cities and villages of North Vietnam are demolished, as millions of refugees in the South are driven from their homes by American bombardment. He has nothing to say about the moral standards or the respect for international law of those who have permitted this tragedy. I speak of Senator Mansfield precisely because he is not a breast-beating superpatriot who wants America to rule the world, but is rather an American intellectual in the best sense, a scholarly and reasonable man -- the kind of man who is the terror of our age. Perhaps this is merely a personal reaction, but when I look at what is happening to our country, what I find most terrifying is not Curtis LeMay, with his cheerful suggestion that we bomb everybody back into the stone age, but rather the calm disquisitions of the political scientists on just how much force will be necessary to achieve our ends, or just what form of government will be acceptable to us in Vietnam. What I find terrifying is the detachment and equanimity with which we view and discuss an unbearable tragedy. We all know that if Russia or China were guilty of what we have done in Vietnam, we would be exploding with moral indignation at these monstrous crimes. " On Resistance http://www.chomsky.info/articles/19671207.htm", The New York Review of Books, December 7, 1967.
— Noam Chomsky
Context: The list of the states that have joined the coalition against terror is quite impressive. They have a characteristic in common. They are certainly among the leading terrorist states in the world. And they happen to be led by the world champion.
„The information they get comes from ideological fanatics, typically, who always misunderstand things in their own crazy way.“
— Noam Chomsky
Context: If any of you have ever looked at your FBI file, you discover that intelligence agencies in general are extremely incompetent. That's one of the reasons why there are so many intelligence failures. They just never get anything straight, for all kinds of reasons. Part of it is because of the information they get. The information they get comes from ideological fanatics, typically, who always misunderstand things in their own crazy way. If you look at an FBI file, say, about yourself, where you know what the facts are, you'll see that the information has some kind of relation to the facts, you can figure out what they're talking about, but by the time it works its way through the ideological fanaticism of the intelligence agencies, there's always weird distortion. Q&A with community activists, February 10, 1989.
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