Noam Chomsky idézet
Születési dátum: 7. december 1928
Más nevek:Ноам Хомский, Ноам Чомский, Avram Noam Chomsky
Noam Chomsky amerikai nyelvész, a Massachusetts Institute of Technology professzora, a generatív nyelvtan elméletének megalkotója, filozófus, politikai aktivista, előadó és lektor. Kidolgozója a róla elnevezett Chomsky-hierarchiának.
Az általános nyelvtudomány terén végzett munkásságával nagyban hozzájárult a behaviorizmus hanyatlásához és a kognitív tudomány fellendüléséhez. A nyelvészet terén mutatott kiemelkedő munkája mellett Chomsky az egyik leginkább számon tartott amerikai baloldali értelmiségi, és a vietnámi háború óta világszerte az amerikai külpolitika és gazdaságpolitika éles bírálójaként ismert. Az 1992-es „Arts and Humanities Citation Index” szerint 1980 és 1992 között Chomsky volt a világon a leggyakrabban idézett élő személy. A professzor a politikában is aktívan részt vesz, magát libertariánus szocialistának vallja, és szimpatizál az anarcho-szindikalizmus nézeteivel is. Tagja az Industrial Workers of the World elnevezésű szervezetnek és az Anticionista Mozgalomnak.Chomsky szerint a nyelvtan olyan szabályrendszer, amely meghatározza és létrehozza az adott nyelvben lehetséges, nyelvtanilag helyes mondatok körét. Chomsky megkülönbözteti a nyelv felszíni és mélystruktúráját: a mélystruktúra a nyelv alapja, amely bizonyos transzformációs szabályok segítségével létrehozza a felszíni struktúrát, azaz a nyelvi megnyilvánulásokat. A nyelvi kompetencia, a nyelv használatának képessége minden ember veleszületett tulajdonsága, tehát már a nyelv tanulása előtt megtalálható. Ezek olyan általános struktúrák, melyek az egyes nyelvekben közösek. A nyelv tanulása során ezeket a struktúrákat az adott nyelv igényei szerint állítják be .
Idézetek Noam Chomsky
„The smart way to keep people passive and obedient is to strictly limit the spectrum of acceptable opinion, but allow very lively debate within that spectrum - even encourage the more critical and dissident views. That gives people the sense that there's free thinking going on, while all the time the presuppositions of the system are being reinforced by the limits put on the range of the debate.“
— Noam Chomsky, The Common Good
— Noam Chomsky
Context: The crisis began with the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait a year ago. There was some fighting, leaving hundreds killed according to Human Rights groups. That hardly qualifies as war. Rather, in terms of crimes against peace and against humanity, it falls roughly into the category of the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus, Israel's invasion of Lebanon in 1978, and the U. S. invasion of Panama. In these terms it falls well short of Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon, and cannot remotely be compared with the near-genocidal Indonesian invasion and annexation of East Timor, to mention only two cases of aggression that are still in progress, with continuing atrocities and with the crucial support of those who most passionately professed their outrage over Iraq's aggression. During the subsequent months, Iraq was responsible for terrible crimes in Kuwait, with several thousand killed and many tortured. But that is not war; rather, state terrorism, of the kind familiar among U. S. clients. The second phase of the conflict began with the U. S.-U. K. attack of January 15 (with marginal participation of others). This was slaughter http://www.hrw.org/reports/1991/gulfwar/index.htm, not war. Z Magazine, August 31, 1991 http://www.zmag.org/chomsky/articles/z9110-aftermath.html.
— Noam Chomsky, Media Control: The Spectacular Achievements of Propaganda
— Noam Chomsky
Noam Chomsky in interview by John Pilger on BBC's The Late Show, November 25, 1992 http://jmm.aaa.net.au/articles/14177.htm.
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„It may be comforting to pretend that our enemies "hate our freedoms," as President Bush stated, but it is hardly wise to ignore the real world“
— Noam Chomsky
Context: September 11 shocked many Americans into an awareness that they had better pay much closer attention to what the US government does in the world and how it is perceived. Many issues have been opened for discussion that were not on the agenda before. That's all to the good. It is also the merest sanity, if we hope to reduce the likelihood of future atrocities. It may be comforting to pretend that our enemies "hate our freedoms," as President Bush stated, but it is hardly wise to ignore the real world, which conveys different lessons. The president is not the first to ask: "Why do they hate us?" In a staff discussion 44 years ago, President Eisenhower described "the campaign of hatred against us [in the Arab world], not by the governments but by the people". His National Security Council outlined the basic reasons: the US supports corrupt and oppressive governments and is "opposing political or economic progress" because of its interest in controlling the oil resources of the region.... What they hate is official policies that deny them freedoms to which they aspire. The Guardian, September 9, 2002 http://www.chomsky.info/articles/20020909.htm.
„It is likely to prove to be a crushing blow to Palestinians and other poor and oppressed people. It is also likely to lead to harsh security controls, with many possible ramifications for undermining civil liberties and internal freedom.“
— Noam Chomsky
Context: The September 11 attacks were major atrocities. In terms of number of victims they do not reach the level of many others, for example, Clinton's bombing of the Sudan with no credible pretext, destroying half its pharmaceutical supplies and probably killing tens of thousands of people (no one knows, because the US blocked an inquiry at the UN and no one cares to pursue it). Not to speak of much worse cases, which easily come to mind. But that this was a horrendous crime is not in doubt. The primary victims, as usual, were working people: janitors, secretaries, firemen, etc. It is likely to prove to be a crushing blow to Palestinians and other poor and oppressed people. It is also likely to lead to harsh security controls, with many possible ramifications for undermining civil liberties and internal freedom. A Quick Reaction, September 12, 2001 http://www.chomsky.info/articles/20010912.htm.
„Jesus himself, and most of the message of the Gospels, is a message of service to the poor, a critique of the rich and the powerful, and a pacifist doctrine. And it remained that way, that’s what Christianity was up… until Constantine. Constantine shifted it so the cross, which was the symbol of persecution of somebody working for the poor, was put on the shield of the Roman Empire. It became the symbol for violence and oppression, and that’s pretty much what the church has been until the present.
In fact, it’s quite striking in recent years, elements of the church, in particular the Latin American bishops, but not only them, tried to go back to the Gospels.“
— Noam Chomsky
Science in the Dock, Discussion with Noam Chomsky, Lawrence Krauss & Sean M. Carroll, Science & Technology News, March 1, 2006 http://www.chomsky.info/debates/20060301.htm.
„Just as I'm opposed to political fascism, I'm opposed to economic fascism. I think that until major institutions of society are under the popular control of participants and communities, it's pointless to talk about democracy.“
— Noam Chomsky
Context: Personally I'm in favor of democracy, which means that the central institutions in the society have to be under popular control. Now, under capitalism we can't have democracy by definition. Capitalism is a system in which the central institutions of society are in principle under autocratic control. Thus, a corporation or an industry is, if we were to think of it in political terms, fascist; that is, it has tight control at the top and strict obedience has to be established at every level -- there's a little bargaining, a little give and take, but the line of authority is perfectly straightforward. Just as I'm opposed to political fascism, I'm opposed to economic fascism. I think that until major institutions of society are under the popular control of participants and communities, it's pointless to talk about democracy. " One Man's View : Noam Chomsky interviewed by an anonymous interviewer http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/197305--.htm," Business Today, May 1973.
— Noam Chomsky
Context: Let me just put the whole thing in a kind of mundane level. Like, suppose you walk out in the street, this evening, and you see a crime being committed, you know, somebody is robbing someone else. Well, you have three choices. One choice is to try to stop it, maybe you call 911 or something. Another choice is to do nothing. A third choice is to pick up an assault rifle and kill 'em both, and kill a bystander at the same time. Well, suppose you do that, and somebody says, "Well, you know, why did you do that?" And you say, "Look, I couldn't stand by and do nothing." I mean, is that a response? If you can think of nothing that wouldn't do harm, then do nothing. And the same is true, magnified, in international affairs. Apart from the fact that there were things that could have been done. Panel with Edward Said at Columbia University, New York, April 1999 http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=03/04/07/042214