Georg Simmel (1858–1918) German sociologist, philosopher, and critic
Source: The Metropolis and Modern Life (1903), p. 409
Original: (de) Mag das 18.Jahrhundert zur Befreiung von allen historisch erwachsenen Bindungen in Staat und Religion, in Moral und Wirtschaft aufrufen, damit die ursprünglich gute Natur, die in allen Menschen die gleiche ist, sich ungehemmt entwickele; mag das 19.Jahrhundert neben der bloßen Freiheit die arbeitsteilige Besonderheit des Menschen und seiner Leistung fordern, die den Einzelnen unvergleichlich und möglichst unentbehrlich macht, ihn dadurch aber um so enger auf die Ergänzung durch alle anderen anweist; mag Nietzsche in dem rücksichtslosesten Kampf der Einzelnen oder der Sozialismus gerade in dem Niederhalten aller Konkurrenz die Bedingung für die volle Entwicklung der Individuen sehen - in alledem wirkt das gleiche Grundmotiv: der Widerstand des Subjekts, in einem gesellschaftlich-technischen Mechanismus nivelliert und verbraucht zu werden.
Source: The Metropolis and Mental Life (1903), p. 409
Georg Simmel (1858–1918) German sociologist, philosopher, and critic
Source: The Metropolis and Modern Life (1903), p. 409
Kurt Lewin (1890–1947) German-American psychologist
Source: 1930s, Principles of topological psychology, 1936, p. 11.
Henri de Saint-Simon (1760–1825) French early socialist theorist
Preface
The Reorganization of the European Community (1814)
George D. Herron (1862–1925) American clergyman, writer and activist
Source: Between Caesar and Jesus (1899), p. 15
Richard M. Weaver (1910–1963) American scholar
Source: Ideas have Consequences (1948), p. 56.
Theodore Roosevelt (1858–1919) American politician, 26th president of the United States
1900s, A Square Deal (1903)
Context: The welfare of each of us is dependent fundamentally upon the welfare of all of us, and therefore in public life that man is the best representative of each of us who seeks to do good to each by doing good to all; in other words, whose endeavor it is not to represent any special class and promote merely that class's selfish interests, but to represent all true and honest men of all sections and all classes and to work for their interests by working for our common country. We can keep our government on a sane and healthy basis, we can make and keep our social system what it should be, only on condition of judging each man, not as a member of a class, but on his worth as a man. It is an infamous thing in our American life, and fundamentally treacherous to our institutions, to apply to any man any test save that of his personal worth, or to draw between two sets of men any distinction save the distinction of conduct, the distinction that marks off those who do well and wisely from those who do ill and foolishly.
“Remembrance creates and strengthens a special bond between man and His Creator.”
Ashraf Ali Thanwi (1863–1943) Indian Muslim scholar
Ashraf Ali Thānwī, Hayātul Muslimeen p.80
Dwight Macdonald (1906–1982) journalist
"The Root is Man" (1946).
Alexis De Tocqueville (1805–1859) French political thinker and historian
12 September 1848, "Discours prononcé à l'assemblée constituante le 12 Septembre 1848 sur la question du droit au travail", Oeuvres complètes, vol. IX, p. 546 https://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Page:Tocqueville_-_%C5%92uvres_compl%C3%A8tes,_%C3%A9dition_1866,_volume_9.djvu/564; Translation (from Hayek, The Road to Serfdom): <br class="br">Original text:<br>La démocratie étend la sphère de l'indépendance individuelle, le socialisme la resserre. La démocratie donne toute sa valeur possible à chaque homme, le socialisme fait de chaque homme un agent, un instrument, un chiffre. La démocratie et le socialisme ne se tiennent que par un mot, l'égalité; mais remarquez la différence : la démocratie veut l'égalité dans la liberté, et le socialisme veut l'égalité dans la gêne et dans la servitude. <br class="br">1840s