Wesley Clark citations

Wesley Kanne Clark, Sr., né le 23 décembre 1944 à Chicago, est un homme politique et ancien général des Forces armées des États-Unis.

Clark fut major de sa promotion à West Point, obtint une bourse Rhodes pour entrer à l'université d'Oxford où il fut diplômé de philosophie, politique et économie. Il fut également reçu au Command and General Staff College où il étudia la science militaire. Il passa 34 années dans l'armée et au département de la Défense, où il reçut de nombreuses décorations, parmi lesquelles la médaille présidentielle de la Liberté. Il commanda notamment l'opération Allied Force durant la guerre du Kosovo en tant que commandant du grand quartier général des puissances alliées en Europe de l'OTAN de 1997 à 2000.

Il se lança dans la course à l'investiture démocrate le 17 septembre 2003. Il se retira le 11 février 2004 après avoir gagné l'investiture en Oklahoma et apporta son soutien à John Kerry qui fut investi par le parti en juillet 2004. En 2010, Clark est à la tête d'un comité d'action politique nommé WesPAC, créé après les primaires perdues. Ce comité fait office de think tank et apporta son soutien aux candidats démocrates aux élections de mi-mandat en 2006. Clark était considéré comme candidat potentiel à l'élection présidentielle américaine de 2008, mais décida d'appuyer Hillary Clinton le 15 septembre 2007, puis Barack Obama lorsque celle-ci fut écartée de la course. En 2009, Clark est coprésident de Growth Energy, un lobby promouvant l'utilisation de l'éthanol. Wikipedia  

✵ 23. décembre 1944
Wesley Clark photo
Wesley Clark: 36   citations 0   J'aime

Wesley Clark: Citations en anglais

“The final frontier is perhaps the most difficult, but it's also the most important — and that's the frontier of the human spirit. For too long, people have allowed differences on the surface — differences of color, ethnicity, and gender — to tear apart the common bonds they share. And the human spirit suffers as a result.
Imagine a world in which we saw beyond the lines that divide us, and celebrated our differences, instead of hiding from them. Imagine a world in which we finally recognized that, fundamentally, we are all the same. And imagine if we allowed that new understanding to build relations between people and between nations.”

Twenty Year Vision for America (2004)
Contexte: As with science and technology, there could be a dark side of globalization, in which progress for some means poverty for others, as jobs and opportunities ebb and flow, securities and currencies fluctuate in value, and the tension between private profit and public good persists. But surely these are risks that we can manage in a world with an America more attuned to its larger purpose and responsibilities.
The final frontier is perhaps the most difficult, but it's also the most important — and that's the frontier of the human spirit. For too long, people have allowed differences on the surface — differences of color, ethnicity, and gender — to tear apart the common bonds they share. And the human spirit suffers as a result.
Imagine a world in which we saw beyond the lines that divide us, and celebrated our differences, instead of hiding from them. Imagine a world in which we finally recognized that, fundamentally, we are all the same. And imagine if we allowed that new understanding to build relations between people and between nations.
Our goal for the next twenty years should be to finally recognize that our differences are our greatest strength. That's true not only here in America, but in all parts of the world, where we've allowed historic rifts to poison the well of opportunity. They've arisen from the natural prides and passion of humanity. Only when we recognize that — when we respect the human spirit — will we be a great nation and a great world. These are the steps we must take in the next twenty years, as we reach out for the newest frontiers.

“I'd like to see us create a different complex. And I'm going to be talking about foreign policy in a major speech tomorrow, but we need to create an agency that is not about waging war but about creating conditions for peace around the world. We need some people who will be advocates for peace, advocates for economic development abroad, not just advocates for better weapon systems. So we need to create countervailing power to the military-industrial complex.”

Interview with Laura Knoy, New Hampshire Public Radio (5 November 2003)
Contexte: I think General Eisenhower was exactly right, I think we should be concerned about the military-industrial complex. I think if you look at where the country is today you've consolidated all these defense firms into just a few large firms — like Halliburton — and with contracts and contacts at the top level of government. You've got most of the retired generals are one way or another associated with the defense firms — that's the reason that you'll find very few of them speaking out in any public way — I'm not. When I got out I determined I wasn't going to sell arms, I was going to do as little as possible with the Department of Defense because I just figured it was time to make a new start. But I think the military-industrial complex does wield a lot of influence — I'd like to see us create a different complex. And I'm going to be talking about foreign policy in a major speech tomorrow, but we need to create an agency that is not about waging war but about creating conditions for peace around the world. We need some people who will be advocates for peace, advocates for economic development abroad, not just advocates for better weapon systems. So we need to create countervailing power to the military-industrial complex.

“I am saying what I believe. And I'm being drawn into the political process because of what I believe and what I've said about it.”

Responding to criticism by Tom DeLay, in a CNN interview http://edition.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0308/17/le.00.html with Wolf Blitzer (17 August 2003)]
Contexte: I am saying what I believe. And I'm being drawn into the political process because of what I believe and what I've said about it.
So it's precisely the opposite of a man like Tom DeLay, who is only motivated by politics and says whatever he needs to say to get the political purpose. And so, you know, it couldn't be more diametrically opposed, and I couldn't be more opposed than I am to Tom DeLay.
You know, Wolf, when our airmen were flying over Kosovo, Tom DeLay led the House Republicans to vote not to support their activities, when American troops were in combat. To me, that's a real indicator of a man who is motivated not by patriotism or support for the troops, but for partisan political purposes.

“We'll still need our armed forces and we'll take every necessary action to make America safe — but we'll gain that safety not by force of arms, but by who we are and what we represent.”

Twenty Year Vision for America (2004)
Contexte: We'll still need our armed forces and we'll take every necessary action to make America safe — but we'll gain that safety not by force of arms, but by who we are and what we represent. For we should be an America not puffed up by pride in our own power, but rather an America humbled by the recognition of our common humanity. We must make sure that globalization helps people around the world, raising living standards and improving the environment everywhere — rather than leading a race to the bottom.

“Ultimately, your generation will have the decisive voice. You will determine whether rage or reason guides the United States in the struggle to come. You will choose whether we are known for revenge or compassion. You will choose whether we, too, will kill in the name of God, or whether in His Name, we can find a higher civilization and a better means of settling our differences.
And this is not a new choice, not for your generation — it is a choice that many others have faced throughout history. Only now, we can hope that with your help and engagement we can find a new answer.”

Seton Hall Address (2002)
Contexte: They killed in the name of God. But they are not the first. This began in pre-history; the tragedy is that it persists today.
Some would characterize the events of 9-11 as a clash of civilizations, and a conflict of religions. And to many it seems a simple and satisfying explanation.
But others would suggest, correctly in my view, that such an interpretation is both wrong-headed and dangerous. They recognize a civil war within Islam itself, as contending factions compete for power. They would argue that we must influence the struggle where we can, by supporting greater attention to the secular structures in the Islamic world, and by encouraging our own American Islamic community to speak out in support of America’s democratic values.
Ultimately, your generation will have the decisive voice. You will determine whether rage or reason guides the United States in the struggle to come. You will choose whether we are known for revenge or compassion. You will choose whether we, too, will kill in the name of God, or whether in His Name, we can find a higher civilization and a better means of settling our differences.
And this is not a new choice, not for your generation — it is a choice that many others have faced throughout history. Only now, we can hope that with your help and engagement we can find a new answer.

“I think we're at a time in American history that's probably analogous to, maybe, Rome before the first emperors, when the Republic started to fall…”

Interview with Laura Knoy, New Hampshire Public Radio (5 November 2003)
Contexte: I think we're at a time in American history that's probably analogous to, maybe, Rome before the first emperors, when the Republic started to fall... I think if you look at the pattern of events, if you look at the disputed election of 2000, can you imagine? In America, people are trying to recount ballots and a partisan mob is pounding on the glass and threatening the counters? Can you imagine that? Can you imagine a political party which does its best to keep any representatives from another party — who've even been affiliated with another party — from getting a business job in the nation's capital? Can you imagine a political party that wants to redistrict so that its opponents can be driven out entirely?... it's a different time in America and the Republic is — this election is about a lot more than jobs. I'm not sure everybody in America sees it right now. But I see it, I feel it.

“I think General Eisenhower was exactly right, I think we should be concerned about the military-industrial complex.”

Interview with Laura Knoy, New Hampshire Public Radio (5 November 2003)
Contexte: I think General Eisenhower was exactly right, I think we should be concerned about the military-industrial complex. I think if you look at where the country is today you've consolidated all these defense firms into just a few large firms — like Halliburton — and with contracts and contacts at the top level of government. You've got most of the retired generals are one way or another associated with the defense firms — that's the reason that you'll find very few of them speaking out in any public way — I'm not. When I got out I determined I wasn't going to sell arms, I was going to do as little as possible with the Department of Defense because I just figured it was time to make a new start. But I think the military-industrial complex does wield a lot of influence — I'd like to see us create a different complex. And I'm going to be talking about foreign policy in a major speech tomorrow, but we need to create an agency that is not about waging war but about creating conditions for peace around the world. We need some people who will be advocates for peace, advocates for economic development abroad, not just advocates for better weapon systems. So we need to create countervailing power to the military-industrial complex.

“These events delivered a four-fold shock to us and our country. The shock of our country, under attack. The shock that others would hate so much that they would kill themselves to hurt us. The shock of death to the youthful and innocent. The shock that the murderers would claim to have acted in the name of God.”

Seton Hall Address (2002)
Contexte: It is customary at occasions such as this for some old person to pass on his accumulated pearls of wisdom and life story to the young.
But this is not a customary year. It is a year marked by distinctive tragedy and challenge, by events that no one at last year’s commencement ceremony could have possibly anticipated. The attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon took the lives of so many — Seton Hall graduates among them — and have affected us so deeply that it is impossible to speak here today without acknowledging the witness to tragedy which this University and its students have borne.
These events delivered a four-fold shock to us and our country. The shock of our country, under attack. The shock that others would hate so much that they would kill themselves to hurt us. The shock of death to the youthful and innocent. The shock that the murderers would claim to have acted in the name of God.

“It is customary at occasions such as this for some old person to pass on his accumulated pearls of wisdom and life story to the young.
But this is not a customary year. It is a year marked by distinctive tragedy and challenge, by events that no one at last year’s commencement ceremony could have possibly anticipated.”

Seton Hall Address (2002)
Contexte: It is customary at occasions such as this for some old person to pass on his accumulated pearls of wisdom and life story to the young.
But this is not a customary year. It is a year marked by distinctive tragedy and challenge, by events that no one at last year’s commencement ceremony could have possibly anticipated. The attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon took the lives of so many — Seton Hall graduates among them — and have affected us so deeply that it is impossible to speak here today without acknowledging the witness to tragedy which this University and its students have borne.
These events delivered a four-fold shock to us and our country. The shock of our country, under attack. The shock that others would hate so much that they would kill themselves to hurt us. The shock of death to the youthful and innocent. The shock that the murderers would claim to have acted in the name of God.

“I guess, more than anything else, I'm a pragmatist with strong beliefs in people.”

Interview with Laura Knoy, New Hampshire Public Radio (5 November 2003)
Contexte: I don't have labels. I believe in human beings, I believe in a strong national security, I believe in maximizing freedom... I can give you a whole list of things i'm for, but I believe in solving problems. I guess, more than anything else, I'm a pragmatist with strong beliefs in people.

“I don't have labels. I believe in human beings, I believe in a strong national security, I believe in maximizing freedom…”

Interview with Laura Knoy, New Hampshire Public Radio (5 November 2003)
Contexte: I don't have labels. I believe in human beings, I believe in a strong national security, I believe in maximizing freedom... I can give you a whole list of things i'm for, but I believe in solving problems. I guess, more than anything else, I'm a pragmatist with strong beliefs in people.

“I have grown up with guns all my life, but people who like assault weapons they should join the United States Army, we have them.”

CNN Crossfire, Interveiw with General Wesley Clark http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0306/25/cf.00.html, (Aired June 25, 2003).

“I've forgotten more about national security than George W. Bush will ever learn.”

Speaking at the 2004 Jefferson-Jackson Day Dinner, Richmond, Virginia — as reported by CNN http://www.cnn.com/2004/ALLPOLITICS/02/07/elec04.prez.main/ (7 February 2004)]

“War creates its own intensity of hatred… You don't want to use force except as an absolute last resort.”

Interview with Laura Knoy, New Hampshire Public Radio (5 November 2003) http://www.nhpr.org/node/5339

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