Theodore Roosevelt citations
Page 12

Theodore Roosevelt, Jr. dit Teddy Roosevelt /ˈɹoʊ̯.zə.vɛlt/, né le 27 octobre 1858 à New York et mort le 6 janvier 1919 à Oyster Bay, est un homme d'État américain, vingt-sixième président des États-Unis en poste de 1901 à 1909. Il est également historien, naturaliste, explorateur, écrivain et soldat.

Membre du Parti républicain, il est successivement chef de la police de New York entre 1895 et 1897, adjoint du secrétaire à la Marine de 1897 à 1898, engagé volontaire dans la guerre hispano-américaine de 1898 où il s'illustre à la tête de son régiment de cavalerie, les Rough Riders, à la bataille de San Juan puis gouverneur de l'État de New York entre 1899 et 1900.

Vice-président des États-Unis sous le mandat de William McKinley, il lui succède après son assassinat par un anarchiste et termine son mandat du 14 septembre 1901 au 3 mars 1905. Roosevelt entame ensuite son propre mandat présidentiel qu'il termine le 3 mars 1909. Conformément à ses engagements, il ne postule pas en 1908 à un nouveau mandat présidentiel.

Il est le plus jeune président des États-Unis. Sa présidence est notamment marquée, sur le plan international, par sa médiation dans la guerre russo-japonaise, qui lui vaut le prix Nobel de la paix et son soutien à la première conférence de La Haye en ayant recours à l'arbitrage pour résoudre un contentieux opposant les États-Unis au Mexique. Sa politique dite du Big Stick , puis l'affirmation du corollaire Roosevelt à la doctrine Monroe, justifie la prise de contrôle par les États-Unis du canal de Panamá. En politique intérieure, son mandat est marqué par une politique volontariste de préservation des ressources naturelles et par l'adoption de deux lois importantes sur la protection des consommateurs, le Hepburn Act de 1906, qui renforce les pouvoirs de la Commission du commerce entre États, et le Pure Food and Drug Act de 1906, qui fonde la Food and Drug Administration.

En 1912, mécontent de la politique de son successeur, le républicain William Howard Taft, il se présente comme candidat du mouvement progressiste. S'il remporte plus de suffrages que le président Taft, il divise le camp républicain et permet l'élection du candidat démocrate Woodrow Wilson à la présidence des États-Unis.

L'effigie de Roosevelt a été reproduite sur le mont Rushmore aux côtés des présidents George Washington, Thomas Jefferson et Abraham Lincoln. Wikipedia  

✵ 27. octobre 1858 – 6. janvier 1919   •   Autres noms Teddy Rosevelt, Teddy Roosevelt
Theodore Roosevelt photo
Theodore Roosevelt: 449   citations 0   J'aime

Theodore Roosevelt citations célèbres

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Theodore Roosevelt: Citations en anglais

“The worst lesson that can be taught a man is to rely upon others and to whine over his sufferings.”

"How Not To Better Social Conditions" in Review of Reviews (January 1897), p. 39 https://books.google.com/books?id=J2FAAQAAMAAJ&pg=PA39 · Full text online (with at least two typos — in the last sentence of the article) as "How Not To Help Our Poor Brother" http://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/images/research/speeches/trhnthopb.pdf
1890s

“Far better it is to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure, than to rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy much nor suffer much, because they live in that grey twilight that knows neither victory nor defeat.”

Theodore Roosevelt The Strenuous Life

1900s, The Strenuous Life: Essays and Addresses (1900), The Strenuous Life
Variante: Far better is it to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure... than to rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy nor suffer much, because they live in a gray twilight that knows not victory nor defeat.

“I don't pity any man who does hard work worth doing. I admire him. I pity the creature who does not work, at whichever end of the social scale he may regard himself as being.”

Speech to the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen in Chattanooga, Tennessee (8 September 2013). http://books.google.de/books?id=7_3uugarOF0C&pg=PA105&lpg=PA105&dq=theodore+roosevelt+I+don't+pity+any+man+who+does+hard+work+worth+doing.+I+admire+him.+I+pity+the+creature+who+does+not+work,+at+whichever+end+of+the+social+scale+he+may+regard+himself+as+being.&source=bl&ots=seVM4pX9IN&sig=gd7yTZMy3X2h6rIgQVVp5uR0Xu4&hl=de&sa=X&ei=M5FZUvW4M8LXtQby1YD4AQ&ved=0CG8Q6AEwCTgK#v=onepage&q=theodore%20roosevelt%20I%20don't%20pity%20any%20man%20who%20does%20hard%20work%20worth%20doing.%20I%20admire%20him.%20I%20pity%20the%20creature%20who%20does%20not%20work%2C%20at%20whichever%20end%20of%20the%20social%20scale%20he%20may%20regard%20himself%20as%20being.&f=false
1900s

“As regards capital cases, the trouble is that emotional men and women always see only the individual whose fate is up at the moment, and neither his victim nor the many millions of unknown individuals who would in the long run be harmed by what they ask. Moreover, almost any criminal, however brutal, has usually some person, often a person whom he has greatly wronged, who will plead for him. If the mother is alive she will always come, and she cannot help feeling that the case in which she is so concerned is peculiar, that in this case a pardon should be granted. It was really heartrending to have to see the kinfolk and friends of murderers who were condemned to death, and among the very rare occasions when anything governmental or official caused me to lose sleep were times when I had to listen to some poor mother making a plea for a "criminal" so wicked, so utterly brutal and depraved, that it would have been a crime on my part to remit his punishment.
On the other hand, there were certain crimes where requests for leniency merely made me angry. Such crimes were, for instance, rape, or the circulation of indecent literature, or anything connected with what would now be called the "white slave" traffic, or wife murder, or gross cruelty to women or children, or seduction and abandonment, or the action of some man in getting a girl whom he seduced to commit abortion. In an astonishing number of these cases men of high standing signed petitions or wrote letters asking me to show leniency to the criminal. In two or three of the cases — one where some young roughs had committed rape on a helpless immigrant girl, and another in which a physician of wealth and high standing had seduced a girl and then induced her to commit abortion — I rather lost my temper, and wrote to the individuals who had asked for the pardon, saying that I extremely regretted that it was not in my power to increase the sentence. I then let the facts be made public, for I thought that my petitioners deserved public censure. Whether they received this public censure or not I did not know, but that my action made them very angry I do know, and their anger gave me real satisfaction.”

Source: 1910s, Theodore Roosevelt — An Autobiography (1913), Ch. VIII : The New York Governorship

“Political parties exist to secure responsible government and to execute the will of the people. From these great tasks both of the old parties have turned aside. Instead of instruments to promote the general welfare they have become the tools of corrupt interests, which use them impartially to serve their selfish purposes. Behind the ostensible government sits enthroned an invisible government owing no allegiance and acknowledging no responsibility to the people.”

"The Progressive Covenant With The People" http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/papr:@filreq(@field(NUMBER+@band(trrs+1146))+@field(COLLID+roosevelt)) speech (August 1912)
1910s
Contexte: Political parties exist to secure responsible government and to execute the will of the people. From these great tasks both of the old parties have turned aside. Instead of instruments to promote the general welfare they have become the tools of corrupt interests, which use them impartially to serve their selfish purposes. Behind the ostensible government sits enthroned an invisible government owing no allegiance and acknowledging no responsibility to the people. To destroy this invisible government, to dissolve the unholy alliance between corrupt business and corrupt politics, is the first task of the statesmanship of the day.

“The only safe rule is to promise little, and faithfully to keep every promise; to "speak softly and carry a big stick."”

Ch. XV : The Peace of Righteousness http://books.google.com/books?id=Io4fAAAAIAAJ&q=%22The+only+safe+rule+is+to+promise+little+and+faithfully+to+keep+every+promise+to+speak+softly+and+carry+a+big+stick%22&pg=PA537#v=onepage
1910s, Theodore Roosevelt — An Autobiography (1913)

“The one sure way to have secured the defeat of every good principle worth fighting for would have been to have permitted the fight to be changed into one along sectarian lines and inspired by the spirit of sectarian bitterness, either for the purpose of putting into public life or of keeping out of public life the believers in any given creed. Such conduct represents an assault upon Americanism. The man guilty of it is not a good American. I hold that in this country there must be complete severance of Church and State; that public moneys shall not be used for the purpose of advancing any particular creed; and therefore that the public schools shall be non-sectarian. As a necessary corollary to this, not only the pupils but the members of the teaching force and the school officials of all kinds must be treated exactly on a par, no matter what their creed; and there must be no more discrimination against Jew or Catholic or Protestant than discrimination in favor of Jew, Catholic or Protestant. Whoever makes such discrimination is an enemy of the public schools.”

1910s, Address to the Knights of Columbus (1915)
Contexte: For thirty-five years I have been more or less actively engaged in public life, in the performance of my political duties, now in a public position, now in a private position. I have fought with all the fervor I possessed for the various causes in which with all my heart I believed; and in every fight I thus made I have had with me and against me Catholics, Protestants, and Jews. There have been times when I have had to make the fight for or against some man of each creed on ground of plain public morality, unconnected with questions of public policy. There were other times when I have made such a fight for or against a given man, not on grounds of public morality, for he may have been morally a good man, but on account of his attitude on questions of public policy, of governmental principle. In both cases, I have always found myself 4 fighting beside, and fighting against, men of every creed. The one sure way to have secured the defeat of every good principle worth fighting for would have been to have permitted the fight to be changed into one along sectarian lines and inspired by the spirit of sectarian bitterness, either for the purpose of putting into public life or of keeping out of public life the believers in any given creed. Such conduct represents an assault upon Americanism. The man guilty of it is not a good American. I hold that in this country there must be complete severance of Church and State; that public moneys shall not be used for the purpose of advancing any particular creed; and therefore that the public schools shall be non-sectarian. As a necessary corollary to this, not only the pupils but the members of the teaching force and the school officials of all kinds must be treated exactly on a par, no matter what their creed; and there must be no more discrimination against Jew or Catholic or Protestant than discrimination in favor of Jew, Catholic or Protestant. Whoever makes such discrimination is an enemy of the public schools.

“The performance of duty, and not an indulgence in vapid ease and vapid pleasure, is all that makes life worth while.”

Chapter V Applied Idealism http://www.bartleby.com/55/5.html
1910s, Theodore Roosevelt — An Autobiography (1913)

“If we lose the virile, manly qualities, and sink into a nation of mere hucksters, putting gain over national honor, and subordinating everything to mere ease of life, then we shall indeed reach a condition worse than that of the ancient civilizations in the years of their decay.”

"The Law of Civilization and Decay", The Forum (January 1897), reprinted in American Ideals (1926), vol. 13 of The Works of Theodore Roosevelt, national ed., chapter 15, pp. 259–60
1890s

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