Frederick Douglass citations
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Frederick Douglass, né Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey en 1817 ou 1818, et mort le 20 février 1895 à Washington, est un orateur, abolitionniste, éditeur et fonctionnaire américain. Né esclave, il réussit à s'instruire et s'enfuir. Communicateur éloquent, il devient agent de la Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society , et écrit son autobiographie : La Vie de Frederick Douglass, un esclave américain, écrite par lui-même. La célébrité met sa liberté illégale dans les États non esclavagistes du Nord en danger, et il se réfugie en Europe, où ses nouveaux amis obtiennent sa manumission, et éventuellement du financement pour qu'il fonde le journal The North Star à son retour.

Il se distancie de ses premiers collaborateurs de la Société Anti-Esclavage Américaine, et de son mentor William Lloyd Garrison, après l'évolution positive de son opinion sur la valeur de la Constitution des États-Unis, pour se rallier aux abolitionnistes plus conservateurs, dont l'action était axée sur la politique plutôt qu'essentiellement sur une réforme morale de l'opinion publique. Son association avec Gerrit Smith, un important contributeur du « Parti de la Liberté » fondé par James Birney, est concrétisée par la fusion de leur journal respectif.

Douglass a été le septième homme dans ce que les historiens ont appelé le groupe secret des six, en transmettant de l'argent et en recrutant des acolytes au Capitaine John Brown, pour un complot avec l'objectif vraiment illusoire d'un mouvement insurrectionnel généralisé contre l'esclavage. Après le déclenchement de la guerre civile américaine, Douglass a été parmi les premiers à suggérer au gouvernement fédéral d'employer des troupes formées d'hommes noirs. Conférencier populaire à partir de 1866, Douglass a occupé entre 1871 et 1895 diverses fonctions de nature administrative dans le gouvernement.

Frederick Douglass croyait fermement à l'égalité de tous, incluant les descendants d'africains, les femmes, les autochtones, les immigrants, et évidemment tous les autres américains d'ascendance européenne. Certains commentateurs et historiens ont dit de Douglass qu'il est tombé dans l'autopromotion, mais s'il a pu faire la promotion d'un agenda séparé pour les Afro-Américains, par exemple dans les écoles ou à cause d'un journal éphémère à Washington en 1869, ses qualités personnelles sont indéniables pour tous : courage, persévérance, intelligence, et résilience. Wikipedia  

✵ 14. février 1818 – 20. février 1895   •   Autres noms Φρέντερικ Ντάγκλας, ფრედერიკ დუგლასი, فردریک داقلاس, பிரெடரிக் டக்ளஸ்
Frederick Douglass photo
Frederick Douglass: 274   citations 0   J'aime

Frederick Douglass: Citations en anglais

“The Republican Party is the ship and all else is the sea around us.”

As quoted in Frederick Douglass American Hero http://books.google.com/books?id=9ykO8sKDE30C&pg=PA276&lpg=PA276&dq=%22I+know+the+man.+I+like+a+man+in+the+Presidential+chair%22&source=bl&ots=0JRNsxNa8j&sig=UJpkupLqhe7-DOrhKxCYSCo7EcY&hl=en&sa=X&ei=FA9lU5z5JsnQsQTM1YH4CA&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22I%20know%20the%20man.%20I%20like%20a%20man%20in%20the%20Presidential%20chair%22&f=false (2008), by Connie A. Miller, Sr., p. 277
Variante: For colored men the Republican party is the deck, all outside is the sea.

“Despite of it all, the Negro remains … cool, strong, imperturbable, and cheerful.”

Speech on the twenty-first anniversary of Emancipation in the District of Columbia, Washington, D.C. (April 1883).
1880s, Speech on the Anniversary of Emancipation (1883)

“The great fact underlying the claim for universal suffrage is that every man is himself and belongs to himself, and represents his own individuality, not only in form and features, but in thought and feeling. And the same is true of woman. She is herself, and can be nobody else than herself. Her selfhood is as perfect and as absolute as is the selfhood of man.”

Speech at the New England Woman Suffrage Association (May 24, 1886) Nicholas Buccola, edit., The Essential Douglass: Selected Writings & Speeches, Hackett Publishing Company, 2016, p. 307. Sometimes referred to as his “Who and What is Woman?” speech
1880s

“Although I cannot accuse myself of being remarkably unstable, I do not pretend that I have never altered my opinion both in respect to men and things. Indeed, I have been very much modified both in feeling and opinion within the last fourteen years. When I escaped from slavery, and was introduced to the Garrisonians, I adopted very many of their opinions, and defended them just as long as I deemed them true. I was young, had read but little, and naturally took some things on trust. Subsequent experience and reading have led me to examine for myself. This had brought me to other conclusions. When I was a child, I thought and spoke as a child. But the question is not as to what were my opinions fourteen years ago, but what they are now. If I am right now, it really does not matter what I was fourteen years ago. My position now is one of reform, not of revolution. I would act for the abolition of slavery through the Government — not over its ruins. If slaveholders have ruled the American Government for the last fifty years, let the anti-slavery men rule the nation for the next fifty years. If the South has made the Constitution bend to the purposes of slavery, let the North now make that instrument bend to the cause of freedom and justice. If 350,000 slaveholders have, by devoting their energies to that single end, been able to make slavery the vital and animating spirit of the American Confederacy for the last 72 years, now let the freemen of the North, who have the power in their own hands, and who can make the American Government just what they think fit, resolve to blot out for ever the foul and haggard crime, which is the blight and mildew, the curse and the disgrace of the whole United States.”

1860s, The Constitution of the United States: Is It Pro-Slavery or Anti-Slavery? (1860)

“Each colored voter of the state should say in scripture phrase, 'may my hand forget its cunning and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth' if ever I raise my voice or give my vote to the nominee of the Democratic Party.”

"The Lesson of Emancipation to the New York Generation: An Address Delivered in Elmira, New York" (3 August 1880), as quoted in The Frederick Douglass Papers http://tfdf.org/blog/2012/05/15/why-i-am-a-republican-by-dr-james-taylor/, Volume 4, p. 581. Douglass is referring to Psalm 137:5-6.
1880s, The Lesson of Emancipation to the New York Generation (1880)

“If the Republican party shall fail to carry out this purpose, God will raise up another party that will be faithful.”

Speech http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/document/the-nations-problem/

“But are there not reasons against all this? Is there not such a law or principle as that of self-preservation? Does not every race owe something to itself? Should it not attend to the dictates of common sense? Should not a superior race protect itself from contact with inferior ones? Are not the white people the owners of this continent? Have they not the right to say what kind of people shall be allowed to come here and settle? Is there not such a thing as being more generous than wise? In the effort to promote civilization may we not corrupt and destroy what we have? Is it best to take on board more passengers than the ship will carry? To all this and more I have one among many answers, altogether satisfactory to me, though I cannot promise it will be entirely so to you. I submit that this question of Chinese immigration should be settled upon higher principles than those of a cold and selfish expediency. There are such things in the world as human rights. They rest upon no conventional foundation, but are eternal, universal and indestructible. Among these is the right of locomotion; the right of migration; the right which belongs to no particular race, but belongs alike to all and to all alike. It is the right you assert by staying here, and your fathers asserted by coming here. It is this great right that I assert for the Chinese and the Japanese, and for all other varieties of men equally with yourselves, now and forever. I know of no rights of race superior to the rights of humanity, and when there is a supposed conflict between human and national rights, it is safe to go the side of humanity. I have great respect for the blue-eyed and light-haired races of America. They are a mighty people. In any struggle for the good things of this world, they need have no fear, they have no need to doubt that they will get their full share. But I reject the arrogant and scornful theory by which they would limit migratory rights, or any other essential human rights, to themselves, and which would make them the owners of this great continent to the exclusion of all other races of men. I want a home here not only for the negro, the mulatto and the Latin races, but I want the Asiatic to find a home here in the United States, and feel at home here, both for his sake and for ours.”

1860s, Our Composite Nationality (1869)

“At 8 o’clock, the [body] of the hall was nearly filled with an intelligent and respectable looking audience – The exercises commenced with a patriotic song by the Hutchinsons, which was received with great applause. The Rev. H. H. Garnett opened the meeting stating that the black man, a fugitive from Virginia, who was announced to speak would not appear, as a communication had been received yesterday from the South intimating that, for prudential reasons, it would not be proper for that person to appear, as his presence might affect the interests and safety of others in the South, both white persons and colored. He also stated that another fugitive slave, who was at the battle of Bull Run, proposed when the meeting was announced to be present, but for a similar reason he was absent; he had unwillingly fought on the side of Rebellion, but now he was, fortunately where he could raise his voice on the side of Union and universal liberty. The question which now seemed to be prominent in the nation was simply whether the services of black men shall be received in this war, and a speedy victory be accomplished. If the day should ever come when the flag of our country shall be the symbol of universal liberty, the black man should be able to look up to that glorious flag, and say that it was his flag, and his country’s flag; and if the services of the black men were wanted it would be found that they would rush into the ranks, and in a very short time sweep all the rebel party from the face of the country”

Douglass Monthly https://web.archive.org/web/20160309192511/http://deadconfederates.com/tag/black-confederates/#_edn2 (March 1862), p. 623
1860s

“His zeal in the cause of my race was far greater than mine - it was as the burning sun to my taper light - mine was bounded by time, his stretched away to the boundless shores of eternity. I could live for the slave, but he could die for him.”

Regarding John Brown, address at the 14th anniversary of Storer College http://www.wvculture.org/history/jbexhibit/bbspr05-0032.html (30 May 1881)
1880s, Address at the Anniversary of Storer College (1881)

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