Forrest G. Wood, Black Scare: The Racist Response to Emancipation and Reconstruction (1968), p. 43; citing CG, 37 Cong., 3 Sess. (Feb. 2-5, 1863), pp. 680-690, and Appendix (Feb. 2, 1863), p. 93; White, "Speech".
“Government of the United States was made by men of all races and colors, not for white men, but for the refuge and defense of man. If it does not rest upon the natural rights of man, it rests nowhere. If it does not exist by the consent of governed then any exclusion is possible, and it is a shorter step from an exclusive white man's government to an exclusively rich white man's government, than it is from a system for mankind to one for white men. The spirit which excludes some men today because they are of a certain color, may exclude others tomorrow because they are of a certain poverty or a certain church or a certain birthplace. There is no safety, no guarantee, no security in a prejudice.”
If we build strong and long, we must build upon moral principle.
1860s, The Good Fight (1865)
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George William Curtis 78
American writer 1824–1892Related quotes
In 1858 http://stoprepublicans.blogspot.com/2008/06/democrats-held-these-words-to-be-self.html
1850s
Regarding the Democratic Party's goals (1909), as quoted in Voices of Civil War America: Contemporary Accounts of Daily Life https://books.google.com/books?id=1mwy-XB6bs8C&pg=PA27&lpg=PA27&dq=%22We+reorganized+the+Democratic+Party+with+one+plank+and+only+one+plank%22&source=bl&ots=z38s4iS5Oi&sig=-bHC9bf27SsAB3u_mTeTVENP1vs&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0CCgQ6AEwAmoVChMI28L2gZqPxwIVgTI-Ch1lWgai#v=onepage&q=%22We%20reorganized%20the%20Democratic%20Party%20with%20one%20plank%20and%20only%20one%20plank%22&f=false, by Lawrence Kreiser and Ray B. Browne, p. 27.
1900s, 1909
1850s, Speech at Peoria, Illinois (1854)
Context: "Fools rush in where angels fear to tread." At the hazard of being thought one of the fools of this quotation, I meet that argument — I rush in — I take that bull by the horns. I trust I understand and truly estimate the right of self-government. My faith in the proposition that each man should do precisely as he pleases with all which is exclusively his own lies at the foundation of the sense of justice there is in me. I extend the principle to communities of men as well as to individuals. I so extend it because it is politically wise, as well as naturally just: politically wise in saving us from broils about matters which do not concern us. Here, or at Washington, I would not trouble myself with the oyster laws of Virginia, or the cranberry laws of Indiana. The doctrine of self-government is right, — absolutely and eternally right, — but it has no just application as here attempted. Or perhaps I should rather say that whether it has such application depends upon whether a negro is not or is a man. If he is not a man, in that case he who is a man may as a matter of self-government do just what he pleases with him.
But if the negro is a man, is it not to that extent a total destruction of self-government to say that he too shall not govern himself. When the white man governs himself, that is self-government; but when he governs himself and also governs another man, that is more than self-government — that is despotism. If the negro is a man, why then my ancient faith teaches me that "all men are created equal," and that there can be no moral right in connection with one man's making a slave of another.
Give Me Liberty (1936)
Context: The picture of the economic revolution as the final step to freedom was false as soon as I asked myself that question. For, in actual fact, The State, The Government, cannot exist. They are abstract concepts, useful enough in their place, as the theory of minus numbers is useful in mathematics. In actual living experience, however, it is impossible to subtract anything from nothing; when a purse is empty, it is empty, it cannot contain a minus ten dollars. On this same plane of actuality, no State, no Government, exists. What does in fact exist is a man, or a few men, in power over many men.
Fourth Lincoln-Douglass Debate http://www.nps.gov/liho/learn/historyculture/debate4.htm (September 1858)
1850s
Letter to August Belmont (May 30, 1868), in J. W. Schuckers, The Life and Public Services of Salmon Portland Chase, (1874). p. 585.
My Race (1893)
Context: Ostentatious men who are governed by self-interest will combine, whether white or black, and the generous and selfless will similarly unite. True men, black and white, will treat one another with loyalty and tenderness, out of a sense of merit and the pride of everyone who honors the land in which we were born, black and white alike. Negroes, who now use the word "racist" in good faith, will stop using it when they realize it is the only apparently valid argument that weak men, who honestly believe that Negroes are inferior, use to deny them the full exercise of their rights as men. White and black racists would be equally guilty of racism.