Grover Cleveland idézet

Stephen Grover Cleveland az Egyesült Államok 22. és 24. elnöke. Ő volt az egyedüli olyan elnök, aki két nem egymást követő ciklust töltött ki.

Az 1860 és 1912 közötti republikánus dominanciával jellemezhető években egyedülálló módon demokrataként sikerült kétszer is megnyernie az elnökválasztást.

Csodálói méltatják becsületességéért, függetlenségéért, feddhetetlenségéért, és a liberalizmus elveihez való ragaszkodásáért. Bírálói szerint kevés fantáziája volt, és második ciklusában túl sok figyelmet fordított a gazdaságra. Steven Grover Cleveland sokgyermekes vidéki lelkipásztor gyermeke volt. Apja korai halála miatt nem járhatott egyetemre, ezért a fivére által vezetett, vakok számára fenntartott iskolában tanított, hogy el tudja tartani családját. Nem sokkal ezután úgy döntött, hogy nyugatra fog vándorolni, az úti cél Cleveland volt , de az egyik nagybátyja, aki a New York állambeli Buffalo városában élt, rábeszélte hogy maradjon nála és állást szerzett neki egy ügyvédi irodában .

Keményen dolgozott, míg végül 1859-ben megkapta az ügyvédi oklevelét. Bár különösebb szellemi képességekről vagy fantáziáról sosem tett tanúbizonyságot, de ennek ellenére erkölcsös, dolgos, és megbízható embernek tartották. Amikor egy vádlottat azzal mentegettek előtte, hogy a demokrata párt tagja, ő így vágott vissza: „Azt hiszem, egy demokrata tolvaj semmivel sem jobb egy republikánusnál!”

Nagydarab, testes, „bikanyakú” ember lett belőle, 113 kg-ot nyomott, óriási ökle és nagy bajusza volt, indulatosan, de ennek ellenére igen barátságosan viselkedett. Élete nagy részét agglegényként élte le, idejét leginkább a munkának szentelte, pihenésképpen sörözni és horgászni járt a barátaival.

A polgárháború idején hadkötelessé vált, de mivel ő tartotta el anyját és kisebb testvéreit, egy furcsa, de törvény adta lehetőséggel élt: helyettest vásárolt. 150 dollárt fizetett egy lengyel bevándorlónak, aki bevonult helyette a hadseregbe. Ezután Clevelandet először kerületi ügyészhelyettessé , majd Erie megyei sheriffé választották . Szigorú, tisztességes, és lefizethetetlen köztisztviselőnek bizonyult. Abban az időben, az ítéletek végrehajtója is a sheriff volt, ezért egyszer neki kellett felakasztani két halálraítélt gyilkost. Beosztottjai felajánlották, hogy elvégzik ők a piszkos munkát, de Cleveland úgy gondolta hogy kötelessége elvégezni mindent ami az ő hatásköre, és ő maga nyitotta meg az állványt az elítéltek lábai alatt.

Kilenc évvel ezután Buffalo polgármesterévé választották , majd megvétózta a vállalkozókkal kötött korrupt szerződéseket. Takarékos és tisztességes kormányzatot hozott létre. Jelszava ez volt: „A közhivatal a közösség bizalma!” Egy évvel később már New York állam kormányzója volt , és szembeszállt a pártfőnökökkel, megvétózta azokat a törvényjavaslatokat, amelyek pazarlásra vagy vesztegetésre utaltak, majd aláírta az állam közszolgálati reformtörvényét. Sikerei és nagy népszerűsége miatt a demokrata párt 1884-ben elnökévé választotta. A választáson heves „sárdobálás” folyt. A demokraták publikussá tették a republikánus jelölt, James G. Blaine üzletemberekhez írott leveleit, hogy bizonyítsák korruptságát, a republikánusok pedig közzé tették, hogy Clevelandnek törvénytelen gyereke van. A republikánusok így gúnyolódtak Clevelandről: „Mama, hol a papa? A fehér Házban, ha-ha-ha!” Cleveland választási kampányának vezetői pánikba estek és megkérdezték Clevelandet hogy mit reagáljanak az ügyre, Cleveland csak ennyit mondott: „Mondják el az igazságot!”

De az igazság távol sem volt olyan egyértelmű, ugyanis Cleveland apasága távol sem volt bizonyos. Az 1870-es évek elején rendszeres látogatója volt egy Buffalo-i kétgyermekes özvegyasszonynak, Maria Crofts Halpinnek, akit azonban Clevelanden kívül még sokan „látogattak”. Amikor Maria 1874-ben fiút szült maga sem tudta hogy kié a gyerek, Oscar Folsomé vagy Grover Clevelandé, ezért Oscar Folsom Clevelandnek keresztelte. Mivel a hölgy férfi látogatói mind házasok voltak , ezért az agglegény Cleveland vállalta magára az apaságot, és árvaházba, majd nevelőszülőkhöz adta a gyereket, akit el kellett vennie alkoholista anyjától.

Válaszként a demokrata párt is összegyűjtött mindent, amivel Blaine-t megvádolhatták, és Cleveland szeme elé tárták a dokumentumokat. Ő megkérdezte segítőtársait hogy összeszedtek e minden használható dokumentumot, majd az „igen” válasz után apró darabokra tépte a dokumentumokat, és a fecniket is elégette. „E választási hadjáratban a mocskolódás legyen a másik fél monopóliuma!”, jelentette ki. Egy meggondolatlan republikánus pap „a rum, a pápizmus és a lázadás pártjának” nevezte a demokratákat. Ezek a meggondolatlan szavak azt eredményezték hogy a felháborodott írek Cleveland mellé álltak, ugyanúgy mint sok reformpárti republikánus. Az egyik reformpárti republikánus így fogalmazott: „Azt mondták nekünk hogy Blaine úr hibákat követett el a hivatalában, de magánélete folttalan, Cleveland úr pedig a hivatali integritás modellje, de bűnös viszonyt folytatott. Ezért Cleveland urat választjuk meg közhivatalra, Blaine urat pedig visszaküldjük a magánéletbe ahol olyan rajongásra méltóan viselkedett” Cleveland nagyon szoros küzdelemben, de megnyerte a választást. És végre beköltözhetett a Fehér Házba amit 24 évvel azelőtt hagyott el az utolsó demokrata párti elnök.

Cleveland egy nagyon „negatív” politikát folytatott. Úgy gondolta hogy a kormánynak nem kell támogatnia a népet, de a népnek támogatnia kell a kormányt. Szerinte nem segélyt kell várni a kormánytól, hanem takarékosságot, becsületességet és igazságosságot. A történészek afféle „negatív elnöknek” nevezik, aki azt gondolta hogy az a feladata, hogy megakadályozza a rosszat a korrupciót és a pazarlást is, de semmit sem kell tennie a „jó” ügyek és a nép támogatásának érdekében. Wikipedia  

✵ 18. március 1837 – 24. június 1908   •   Más nevek Steven Grover Cleveland
Grover Cleveland fénykép
Grover Cleveland: 31   idézetek 0   Kedvelés

Grover Cleveland: Idézetek angolul

“A sensitive man is not happy as President. It is fight, fight, fight all the time. I looked forward to the close of my term as a happy release from care. But I am not sure I wasn't more unhappy out of office than in. A term in the presidency accustoms a man to great duties. He gets used to handling tremendous enterprises, to organizing forces that may affect at once and directly the welfare of the world. After the long exercise of power, the ordinary affairs of life seem petty and commonplace.”

As quoted in American Magazine (September 1908)
Kontextus: A sensitive man is not happy as President. It is fight, fight, fight all the time. I looked forward to the close of my term as a happy release from care. But I am not sure I wasn't more unhappy out of office than in. A term in the presidency accustoms a man to great duties. He gets used to handling tremendous enterprises, to organizing forces that may affect at once and directly the welfare of the world. After the long exercise of power, the ordinary affairs of life seem petty and commonplace. An ex-President practicing law or going into business is like a locomotive hauling a delivery wagon. He has lost his sense of proportion. The concerns of other people and even his own affairs seem too small to be worth bothering about.

“The laws and the entire scheme of our civil rule, from the town meeting to the State capitals and the national capital, is yours. Your every voter, as surely as your Chief Magistrate, under the same high sanction, though in a different sphere, exercises a public trust.”

First Inaugural Address (4 March 1885)
Kontextus: The laws and the entire scheme of our civil rule, from the town meeting to the State capitals and the national capital, is yours. Your every voter, as surely as your Chief Magistrate, under the same high sanction, though in a different sphere, exercises a public trust. Nor is this all. Every citizen owes to the country a vigilant watch and close scrutiny of its public servants and a fair and reasonable estimate of their fidelity and usefulness. Thus is the people's will impressed upon the whole framework of our civil polity — municipal, State, and Federal; and this is the price of our liberty and the inspiration of our faith in the Republic.

“A man of true honor protects the unwritten word which binds his conscience more scrupulously, if possible, than he does the bond a breach of which subjects him to legal liabilities, and the United States, in aiming to maintain itself as one of the most enlightened nations, would do its citizens gross injustice if it applied to its international relations any other than a high standard of honor and morality.”

Message to Congress withdrawing a treaty for the annexation of Hawaii from consideration. (18 December 1893); A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents 1789-1897 (1896 - 1899) edited by James D. Richardson, Vol. IX, pp. 460-472.
Kontextus: It has been the boast of our government that it seeks to do justice in all things without regard to the strength or weakness of those with whom it deals. I mistake the American people if they favor the odious doctrine that there is no such thing as international morality; that there is one law for a strong nation and another for a weak one, and that even by indirection a strong power may with impunity despoil a weak one of its territory.
By an act of war, committed with the participation of a diplomatic representative of the United States and without authority of Congress, the government of a feeble but friendly and confiding people has been overthrown. A substantial wrong has thus been done which a due regard for our national character as well as the rights of the injured people requires we should endeavor to repair. The Provisional Government has not assumed a republican or other constitutional form, but has remained a mere executive council or oligarchy, set up without the assent of the people. It has not sought to find a permanent basis of popular support and has given no evidence of an intention to do so. Indeed, the representatives of that government assert that the people of Hawaii are unfit for popular government and frankly avow that they can be best ruled by arbitrary or despotic power.
The law of nations is founded upon reason and justice, and the rules of conduct governing individual relations between citizens or subjects of a civilized state are equally applicable as between enlightened nations. The considerations that international law is without a court for its enforcement and that obedience to its commands practically depends upon good faith instead of upon the mandate of a superior tribunal only give additional sanction to the law itself and brand any deliberate infraction of it not merely as a wrong but as a disgrace. A man of true honor protects the unwritten word which binds his conscience more scrupulously, if possible, than he does the bond a breach of which subjects him to legal liabilities, and the United States, in aiming to maintain itself as one of the most enlightened nations, would do its citizens gross injustice if it applied to its international relations any other than a high standard of honor and morality.
On that ground the United States cannot properly be put in the position of countenancing a wrong after its commission any more than in that of consenting to it in advance. On that ground it cannot allow itself to refuse to redress an injury inflicted through an abuse of power by officers clothed with its authority and wearing its uniform; and on the same ground, if a feeble but friendly state is in danger of being robbed of its independence and its sovereignty by a misuse of the name and power of the United States, the United States cannot fail to vindicate its honor and its sense of justice by an earnest effort to make all possible reparation.

“A truly American sentiment recognizes the dignity of labor and the fact that honor lies in honest toil.”

Letter to the Democratic Convention (17 August 1884).
Kontextus: A truly American sentiment recognizes the dignity of labor and the fact that honor lies in honest toil. Contented labor is an element of national prosperity. Ability to work constitutes the capital and the wage of labor the income of a vast number of our population, and this interest should be jealously protected. Our workingmen are not asking unreasonable indulgence, but as intelligent and manly citizens they seek the same consideration which those demand who have other interests at stake. They should receive their full share of the care and attention of those who make and execute the laws, to the end that the wants and needs of the employers and the employed shall alike be subserved and the prosperity of the country, the common heritage of both, be advanced.

“I shall spend very little time in the purely ornamental part of the office. In point of fact, I will tell you, first of all others, the policy I intend to adopt, and that is, to make the matter a business engagement between the people of the State and myself, in which the obligation on my side is to perform the duties assigned me with an eye single to the interest of my employers.”

Letter to his brother Rev. William N. Cleveland (7 November 1882); published in The Writings and Speeches of Grover Cleveland (1892), p. 534.
Kontextus: I feel as if it were time for me to write to someone who will believe what I write.
I have been for some time in the atmosphere of certain success, so that I have been sure that I should assume the duties of the high office for which I have been named. I have tried hard, in the light of this fact, to appreciate properly the responsibilities that will rest upon me, and they are much, too much underestimated. But the thought that has troubled me is, can I well perform my duties, and in such a manner as to do some good to the people of the State? I know there is room for it, and I know that I am honest and sincere in my desire to do well; but the question is whether I know enough to accomplish what I desire.
The social life which seems to await me has also been a subject of much anxious thought. I have a notion that I can regulate that very much as I desire; and, if I can, I shall spend very little time in the purely ornamental part of the office. In point of fact, I will tell you, first of all others, the policy I intend to adopt, and that is, to make the matter a business engagement between the people of the State and myself, in which the obligation on my side is to perform the duties assigned me with an eye single to the interest of my employers. I shall have no idea of re-election, or any higher political preferment in my head, but be very thankful and happy I can serve one term as the people's Governor.

“We are not here today to bow before the representation of a fierce warlike god, filled with wrath and vengeance, but we joyously contemplate instead our own deity keeping watch and ward before the open gates of America and greater than all that have been celebrated in ancient song.”

Dedication speech http://www.endex.com/gf/buildings/liberty/nytc/solnytc1943.htm for the Statue of Liberty (28 October 1886).
Kontextus: We are not here today to bow before the representation of a fierce warlike god, filled with wrath and vengeance, but we joyously contemplate instead our own deity keeping watch and ward before the open gates of America and greater than all that have been celebrated in ancient song. Instead of grasping in her hand thunderbolts of terror and of death, she holds aloft the light which illumines the way to man's enfranchisement. We will not forget that Liberty has here made her home, nor shall her chosen altar be neglected. Willing votaries will constantly keep alive its fires and these shall gleam upon the shores of our sister Republic thence, and joined with answering rays a stream of light shall pierce the darkness of ignorance and man's oppression, until Liberty enlightens the world.

“Communism is a hateful thing and a menace to peace and organized government”

Fourth Annual Message (3 December 1888)
Kontextus: Communism is a hateful thing and a menace to peace and organized government; but the communism of combined wealth and capital, the outgrowth of overweening cupidity and selfishness, which insidiously undermines the justice and integrity of free institutions, is not less dangerous than the communism of oppressed poverty and toil, which, exasperated by injustice and discontent, attacks with wild disorder the citadel of rule.
He mocks the people who proposes that the Government shall protect the rich and that they in turn will care for the laboring poor. Any intermediary between the people and their Government or the least delegation of the care and protection the Government owes to the humblest citizen in the land makes the boast of free institutions a glittering delusion and the pretended boon of American citizenship a shameless imposition.

“It has been the boast of our government that it seeks to do justice in all things without regard to the strength or weakness of those with whom it deals. I mistake the American people if they favor the odious doctrine that there is no such thing as international morality; that there is one law for a strong nation and another for a weak one, and that even by indirection a strong power may with impunity despoil a weak one of its territory.”

Message to Congress withdrawing a treaty for the annexation of Hawaii from consideration. (18 December 1893); A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents 1789-1897 (1896 - 1899) edited by James D. Richardson, Vol. IX, pp. 460-472.
Kontextus: It has been the boast of our government that it seeks to do justice in all things without regard to the strength or weakness of those with whom it deals. I mistake the American people if they favor the odious doctrine that there is no such thing as international morality; that there is one law for a strong nation and another for a weak one, and that even by indirection a strong power may with impunity despoil a weak one of its territory.
By an act of war, committed with the participation of a diplomatic representative of the United States and without authority of Congress, the government of a feeble but friendly and confiding people has been overthrown. A substantial wrong has thus been done which a due regard for our national character as well as the rights of the injured people requires we should endeavor to repair. The Provisional Government has not assumed a republican or other constitutional form, but has remained a mere executive council or oligarchy, set up without the assent of the people. It has not sought to find a permanent basis of popular support and has given no evidence of an intention to do so. Indeed, the representatives of that government assert that the people of Hawaii are unfit for popular government and frankly avow that they can be best ruled by arbitrary or despotic power.
The law of nations is founded upon reason and justice, and the rules of conduct governing individual relations between citizens or subjects of a civilized state are equally applicable as between enlightened nations. The considerations that international law is without a court for its enforcement and that obedience to its commands practically depends upon good faith instead of upon the mandate of a superior tribunal only give additional sanction to the law itself and brand any deliberate infraction of it not merely as a wrong but as a disgrace. A man of true honor protects the unwritten word which binds his conscience more scrupulously, if possible, than he does the bond a breach of which subjects him to legal liabilities, and the United States, in aiming to maintain itself as one of the most enlightened nations, would do its citizens gross injustice if it applied to its international relations any other than a high standard of honor and morality.
On that ground the United States cannot properly be put in the position of countenancing a wrong after its commission any more than in that of consenting to it in advance. On that ground it cannot allow itself to refuse to redress an injury inflicted through an abuse of power by officers clothed with its authority and wearing its uniform; and on the same ground, if a feeble but friendly state is in danger of being robbed of its independence and its sovereignty by a misuse of the name and power of the United States, the United States cannot fail to vindicate its honor and its sense of justice by an earnest effort to make all possible reparation.

“I feel as if it were time for me to write to someone who will believe what I write.”

Letter to his brother Rev. William N. Cleveland (7 November 1882); published in The Writings and Speeches of Grover Cleveland (1892), p. 534.
Kontextus: I feel as if it were time for me to write to someone who will believe what I write.
I have been for some time in the atmosphere of certain success, so that I have been sure that I should assume the duties of the high office for which I have been named. I have tried hard, in the light of this fact, to appreciate properly the responsibilities that will rest upon me, and they are much, too much underestimated. But the thought that has troubled me is, can I well perform my duties, and in such a manner as to do some good to the people of the State? I know there is room for it, and I know that I am honest and sincere in my desire to do well; but the question is whether I know enough to accomplish what I desire.
The social life which seems to await me has also been a subject of much anxious thought. I have a notion that I can regulate that very much as I desire; and, if I can, I shall spend very little time in the purely ornamental part of the office. In point of fact, I will tell you, first of all others, the policy I intend to adopt, and that is, to make the matter a business engagement between the people of the State and myself, in which the obligation on my side is to perform the duties assigned me with an eye single to the interest of my employers. I shall have no idea of re-election, or any higher political preferment in my head, but be very thankful and happy I can serve one term as the people's Governor.

“Our workingmen are not asking unreasonable indulgence, but as intelligent and manly citizens they seek the same consideration which those demand who have other interests at stake. They should receive their full share of the care and attention of those who make and execute the laws, to the end that the wants and needs of the employers and the employed shall alike be subserved and the prosperity of the country, the common heritage of both, be advanced.”

Letter to the Democratic Convention (17 August 1884).
Kontextus: A truly American sentiment recognizes the dignity of labor and the fact that honor lies in honest toil. Contented labor is an element of national prosperity. Ability to work constitutes the capital and the wage of labor the income of a vast number of our population, and this interest should be jealously protected. Our workingmen are not asking unreasonable indulgence, but as intelligent and manly citizens they seek the same consideration which those demand who have other interests at stake. They should receive their full share of the care and attention of those who make and execute the laws, to the end that the wants and needs of the employers and the employed shall alike be subserved and the prosperity of the country, the common heritage of both, be advanced.

“Officeholders are the agents of the people, not their masters.”

Message to the heads of departments in the service of the US Government (14 July 1886).
Kontextus: Officeholders are the agents of the people, not their masters. Not only is their time and labor due to the Government, but they should scrupulously avoid in their political action, as well as in the discharge of their official duty, offending by a display of obtrusive partisanship their neighbors who have relations with them as public officials.

“Amid the din of party strife the people's choice was made, but its attendant circumstances have demonstrated anew the strength and safety of a government by the people. In each succeeding year it more clearly appears that our democratic principle needs no apology, and that in its fearless and faithful application is to be found the surest guaranty of good government.”

First Inaugural Address (4 March 1885).
Kontextus: Amid the din of party strife the people's choice was made, but its attendant circumstances have demonstrated anew the strength and safety of a government by the people. In each succeeding year it more clearly appears that our democratic principle needs no apology, and that in its fearless and faithful application is to be found the surest guaranty of good government.
But the best results in the operation of a government wherein every citizen has a share largely depend upon a proper limitation of purely partisan zeal and effort and a correct appreciation of the time when the heat of the partisan should be merged in the patriotism of the citizen.

“It is a condition which confronts us — not a theory.”

Third Annual Message to Congress (6 December 1887), discussing tariffs. Compare "Free trade is not a principle, it is an expedient", Benjamin Disraeli, On Import Duties, April 25, 1843.
Kontextus: Both of the great political parties now represented in the Government have by repeated and authoritative declarations condemned the condition of our laws which permit the collection from the people of unnecessary revenue, and have in the most solemn manner promised its correction; and neither as citizens nor partisans are our countrymen in a mood to condone the deliberate violation of these pledges.
Our progress toward a wise conclusion will not be improved by dwelling upon the theories of protection and free trade. This savors too much of bandying epithets. It is a condition which confronts us — not a theory. Relief from this condition may involve a slight reduction of the advantages which we award our home productions, but the entire withdrawal of such advantages should not be contemplated. The question of free trade is absolutely irrelevant, and the persistent claim made in certain quarters that all the efforts to relieve the people from unjust and unnecessary taxation are schemes of so-called free traders is mischievous and far removed from any consideration for the public good.

“I know that I am honest and sincere in my desire to do well; but the question is whether I know enough to accomplish what I desire.”

Letter to his brother Rev. William N. Cleveland (7 November 1882); published in The Writings and Speeches of Grover Cleveland (1892), p. 534.
Kontextus: I feel as if it were time for me to write to someone who will believe what I write.
I have been for some time in the atmosphere of certain success, so that I have been sure that I should assume the duties of the high office for which I have been named. I have tried hard, in the light of this fact, to appreciate properly the responsibilities that will rest upon me, and they are much, too much underestimated. But the thought that has troubled me is, can I well perform my duties, and in such a manner as to do some good to the people of the State? I know there is room for it, and I know that I am honest and sincere in my desire to do well; but the question is whether I know enough to accomplish what I desire.
The social life which seems to await me has also been a subject of much anxious thought. I have a notion that I can regulate that very much as I desire; and, if I can, I shall spend very little time in the purely ornamental part of the office. In point of fact, I will tell you, first of all others, the policy I intend to adopt, and that is, to make the matter a business engagement between the people of the State and myself, in which the obligation on my side is to perform the duties assigned me with an eye single to the interest of my employers. I shall have no idea of re-election, or any higher political preferment in my head, but be very thankful and happy I can serve one term as the people's Governor.

“He mocks the people who proposes that the Government shall protect the rich and that they in turn will care for the laboring poor.”

Fourth Annual Message (3 December 1888)
Kontextus: Communism is a hateful thing and a menace to peace and organized government; but the communism of combined wealth and capital, the outgrowth of overweening cupidity and selfishness, which insidiously undermines the justice and integrity of free institutions, is not less dangerous than the communism of oppressed poverty and toil, which, exasperated by injustice and discontent, attacks with wild disorder the citadel of rule.
He mocks the people who proposes that the Government shall protect the rich and that they in turn will care for the laboring poor. Any intermediary between the people and their Government or the least delegation of the care and protection the Government owes to the humblest citizen in the land makes the boast of free institutions a glittering delusion and the pretended boon of American citizenship a shameless imposition.

“Party honesty is party expediency.”

Interview in New York Commercial Advertiser (19 September 1889).

“What is the use of being elected or re-elected unless you stand for something?”

As quoted in An Honest President (2000) by H. Paul Jeffers, p. 200.

“Public officers are the servants and agents of the people, to execute the laws which the people have made.”

Letter accepting the nomination for governor of New York (October 1882).

“I have tried so hard to do the right.”

Last words, as quoted in Just a Country Lawyer: A Biography of Senator Sam Ervin (1974) by Paul R. Clancy.

“WHATEVER YOU DO, TELL THE TRUTH.”

Telegram to his friend Charles W. Goodyear (23 July 1884), in response to a query as to what the Democratic Party should say about reports that he fathered a child out of wedlock. As quoted in An Honest President (2000), by H. Paul Jeffers, p. 108.

“The trusts and combinations—the communism of pelf—whose machinations have prevented us from reaching the success we deserved, should not be forgotten nor forgiven.”

Letter to Representative Thomas C. Catchings (27 August 1894), reported in Letters of Grover Cleveland, 1850–1908, ed. Allan Nevins (1933), p. 365

“I have considered the pension list of the republic a roll of honor.”

Veto of Dependent Pension Bill, July 5, 1888

“After an existence of nearly twenty years of almost innocuous desuetude, these laws are brought forth.”

Message to the US Senate on laws constraining the discretionary powers of the President to remove or suspend officials. (1 March 1886).

“The ship of Democracy, which has weathered all storms, may sink through the mutiny of those aboard.”

Quoted in The American Mercury (1961), in a letter from Cleveland to his law partner, Wilson S. Bissell, February 15th, 1894. https://books.google.com/books?id=BIsqAAAAMAAJ&q=%22The+present+danger%22+cleveland+bissell&dq=%22The+present+danger%22+cleveland+bissell&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwj68-CIhenSAhXpCMAKHdsXCKQQ6AEIHjAB.

“Government resting upon the will and universal suffrage of the people has no anchorage except in the people's intelligence.”

At the celebration of the sesquicentennial of Princeton College (October 22, 1896).

Hasonló szerzők

Theodore Roosevelt fénykép
Theodore Roosevelt 15
amerikai politikus, az Amerikai Egyesült Államok 26. elnöke…
Abraham Lincoln fénykép
Abraham Lincoln 77
amerikai jogász, politikus, az Amerikai Egyesült Államok 16…
Thomas Alva Edison fénykép
Thomas Alva Edison 35
amerikai elektrotechnikus, üzletember, feltaláló
Mark Twain fénykép
Mark Twain 123
amerikai író, újságíró, humorista
Bonaparte Napóleon fénykép
Bonaparte Napóleon 17
francia tábornok, hadvezér, politikus, császár