Lyndon B. Johnson citations
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Lyndon Baines Johnson, connu sous ses initiales LBJ, né le 27 août 1908 à Stonewall et mort le 22 janvier 1973 à Johnson City , est un homme d'État américain, 36e président des États-Unis, après en avoir été le 37e vice-président.

Membre du Parti démocrate, Johnson est représentant des États-Unis pour le Texas de 1937 à 1949 et sénateur fédéral de 1949 à 1961, dont six ans en tant que chef de la majorité du Sénat, puis deux ans en tant que chef de l'opposition au Sénat et deux ans en tant que whip de la majorité au Sénat. Après avoir tenté en vain d'obtenir l'investiture présidentielle du Parti démocrate, il accepte la proposition de John F. Kennedy de devenir son colistier pour l'élection présidentielle de 1960. Le ticket démocrate l'emporte de justesse face au ticket républicain mené par Richard Nixon.

Le jour même de l'assassinat en cours de mandat de John F. Kennedy, le 22 novembre 1963, il accède à la présidence des États-Unis en sa qualité de vice-président. Il termine la présidence de Kennedy, puis est élu sur son propre nom, l'emportant largement à l'élection présidentielle de 1964. Son mandat est marqué par de violentes émeutes raciales et des assassinats politiques, notamment ceux de Malcolm X, Martin Luther King et Robert Francis Kennedy. Johnson conçoit le programme politique de « Great Society », qui comprend des lois qui soutiennent les droits civiques des minorités, la radiodiffusion publique, la protection de l'environnement, l'aide à l'éducation. Il lance un programme de « guerre contre la pauvreté », créant ainsi le Medicare et le Medicaid et signe en 1965 le Voting Rights Act. Le comportement dominateur de Johnson est resté célèbre, notamment son fameux « traitement Johnson », par lequel il s'imposait physiquement à ses interlocuteurs, et dont il a souvent abusé même face aux plus influents hommes politiques pour les forcer à accepter ses législations.

Simultanément, il doit gérer la première partie de la guerre du Viêt Nam, où l'implication américaine s'intensifie. La guerre se prolongeant, la popularité de Johnson connaît une baisse importante. Après les élections au Congrès de 1966, l'hypothèse d'une réélection de Johnson à l'élection présidentielle de 1968 semble compromise en raison des turbulences que suscite l'opposition à la guerre du Vietnam au sein du Parti démocrate. Après la primaire du New Hampshire, lors de laquelle il est mis en difficulté, il renonce à se représenter. Malgré les échecs de sa politique étrangère, un certain nombre d'historiens tirent un bilan favorable de sa présidence du fait des réformes qu'il a su réaliser en politique intérieure,. Wikipedia  

✵ 27. août 1908 – 22. janvier 1973
Lyndon B. Johnson photo
Lyndon B. Johnson: 153   citations 0   J'aime

Lyndon B. Johnson: Citations en anglais

“Make no mistake about it. I don't want a man in here to go back home thinking otherwise; we are going to win.”

Remarks at a Meeting of the National Alliance of Businessmen (16 March 1968). http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=28740
1960s

“When anyone says he’s a country boy, put your hand on your wallet.”

While Lyndon Johnson is reported to have said this (or a variation), it was not original to him. See barrypopik.com http://www.barrypopik.com/index.php/new_york_city/entry/when_anyone_says_hes_a_country_boy_you_better_put_your_hand_on_your_wallet and Texas, A Modern History: Revised Edition https://books.google.com/books?id=WQNo7e3jjysC&pg=PA215#v=onepage&q&f=false.
Misattributed

“In 1965 alone we had 300 private talks for peace in Vietnam, with friends and adversaries throughout the world. Since Christmas your government has labored again, with imagination and endurance, to remove any barrier to peaceful settlement. For 20 days now we and our Vietnamese allies have dropped no bombs in North Vietnam. Able and experienced spokesmen have visited, in behalf of America, more than 40 countries. We have talked to more than a hundred governments, all 113 that we have relations with, and some that we don't. We have talked to the United Nations and we have called upon all of its members to make any contribution that they can toward helping obtain peace. In public statements and in private communications, to adversaries and to friends, in Rome and Warsaw, in Paris and Tokyo, in Africa and throughout this hemisphere, America has made her position abundantly clear. We seek neither territory nor bases, economic domination or military alliance in Vietnam. We fight for the principle of self-determination—that the people of South Vietnam should be able to choose their own course, choose it in free elections without violence, without terror, and without fear. The people of all Vietnam should make a free decision on the great question of reunification. This is all we want for South Vietnam. It is all the people of South Vietnam want. And if there is a single nation on this earth that desires less than this for its own people, then let its voice be heard. We have also made it clear—from Hanoi to New York—that there are no arbitrary limits to our search for peace. We stand by the Geneva Agreements of 1954 and 1962. We will meet at any conference table, we will discuss any proposals—four points or 14 or 40—and we will consider the views of any group. We will work for a cease-fire now or once discussions have begun. We will respond if others reduce their use of force, and we will withdraw our soldiers once South Vietnam is securely guaranteed the right to shape its own future. We have said all this, and we have asked—and hoped—and we have waited for a response. So far we have received no response to prove either success or failure.”

1960s, State of the Union Address (1966)

“Our government is united in its determination to take all necessary measures in support of freedom and in defense of peace in Southeast Asia.”

Report on the Gulf of Tonkin Incident https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Dx8-ffiYyzA (4 August 1964)
1960s

“For tonight, as so many nights before, young Americans struggle and young Americans die in a distant land. Tonight, as so many nights before, the American Nation is asked to sacrifice the blood of its children and the fruits of its labor for the love of its freedom. How many times—in my lifetime and in yours—have the American people gathered, as they do now, to hear their President tell them of conflict and tell them of danger? Each time they have answered. They have answered with all the effort that the security and the freedom of this nation required. And they do again tonight in Vietnam. Not too many years ago Vietnam was a peaceful, if troubled, land. In the North was an independent Communist government. In the South a people struggled to build a nation, with the friendly help of the United States. There were some in South Vietnam who wished to force Communist rule on their own people. But their progress was slight. Their hope of success was dim. Then, little more than six years ago, North Vietnam decided on conquest. And from that day to this, soldiers and supplies have moved from North to South in a swelling stream that is swallowing the remnants of revolution in aggression. As the assault mounted, our choice gradually became clear. We could leave, abandoning South Vietnam to its attackers and to certain conquest, or we could stay and fight beside the people of South Vietnam. We stayed. And we will stay until aggression has stopped.”

1960s, State of the Union Address (1966)

“Making a speech on economics is a lot like pissing down your leg. It seems hot to you, but it never does to anyone else.”

Private comment, as quoted in Name-Dropping (1999) by John Kenneth Galbraith, p. 149.

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