“Militant leftism in politics appears to have its roots in broadly analogous sentiments. Every labour politician has observed that the most indignant members of his local Party are not usually the poorest, or the slum-dwellers, or those with most to gain from further economic change, but the younger, more self-conscious element, earning good incomes and living comfortably in neat new council houses: skilled engineering workers, electrical workers, draughtsmen, technicians, and the lower clerical grades. (Similarly the most militant local parties are not in the old industrial areas, but either in the newer high-wage engineering areas or in middle-class towns; Coventry or Margate are the characteristic strongholds.) Now it is people such as these who naturally resent the fact that despite their high economic status, often so much higher than their parents’, and their undoubted skill at work, they have no right to participate in the decisions of their firm, no influence over policy, and far fewer non-pecuniary privileges than the managerial grades; and outside their work they are conscious of a conspicuous educational handicap, of a style of life which is still looked down on by middle-class people often earning little if any more, of differences in accent, and generally of an inferior class position.”

&quot;The next society&quot; Economist.com http://www.economist.com/ (November 2001) <br class="br">1990s and later

Source: Modern economic growth,(1966), p. 1, as cited in: Amitava Krishna Dutt, ‎Jaime Ros (2008) International Handbook of Development Economics. p. 48; Definition of "modern economic growth"

"Jobs: the basic truths we have cast aside", The Times (7 August 1984), p. 10
1980s and later

Source: The New Party - (1961), Chapter 9, Is Your Criticism Here?, p. 117

Selected Articles

Samuel Gompers, &quot; Not Even Compulsory Benevolence Will Do http://books.google.com/books?id=3LVLAAAAYAAJ&amp;dq=in%20reality%20the%20most%20potent%20and%20the%20most%20direct%20social%20insurance&amp;pg=PA47#v=onepage&amp;q=in%20reality%20the%20most%20potent%20and%20the%20most%20direct%20social%20insurance&amp;f=false.&quot; The American Federationist. January 1917, p. 47.

Source: "Investment in human capital," 1961, p. 1

Unsourced

Speech to the Virginia Convention (1861)
Context: These are pregnant statements; they avow a sentiment, a political principle of action, a sentiment of hatred to slavery as extreme as hatred can exist. The political principle here avowed is, that his action against slavery is not to be restrained by the Constitution of the United States, as interpreted by the Supreme Court of the United States. I say, if you can find any degree of hatred greater than that, I should like to see it. This is the sentiment of the chosen leader of the Black Republican party; and can you doubt that it is not entertained by every solitary member of that same party? You cannot, I think. He is a representative man; his sentiments are the sentiments of his party; his principles of political action are the principles of political action of his party. I say, then; it is true, at least, that the Republican party of the North hates slavery.