Richard Nixon (1913–1994) 37th President of the United States of America
Remarks to Soviet premier Nikita Krushchev during the Kitchen Debate (24 July 1959)
1950s
Richard Nixon (1913–1994) 37th President of the United States of America
Remarks to Soviet premier Nikita Krushchev during the Kitchen Debate (24 July 1959)
1950s
Budd Hopkins (1931–2011) American UFO researcher, painter and sculptor
Hopkins, Budd. "The Hopkins Image Recognition Test (HIRT) for Children." In: Pritchard, Andrea & Pritchard, David E. & Mack, John E. & Kasey, Pam & Yapp, Claudia. Alien Discussions: Proceedings of the Abduction Study Conference. Cambridge: North Cambridge Press. p. 134.
Yoshijirō Umezu (1882–1949) Japanese general
Quoted in "Suicide Squads: Axis and Allied Special Attack Weapons of World War II" - Page 267 - by Richard O'Neill - History - 1981.
Bias of Priene (-600–-530 BC) ancient Greek philosopher, one of the Seven Sages
The Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers (c. 230)
John Calvin (1509–1564) French Protestant reformer
Page 50.
Golden Booklet of the True Christian Life (1551)
Barack Obama (1961) 44th President of the United States of America
2016, DNC Address (July 2016)
Context: America is already great. America is already strong. And I promise you, our strength, our greatness, does not depend on Donald Trump. In fact, it doesn’t depend on any one person. And that, in the end, may be the biggest difference in this election — the meaning of our democracy.
Ronald Reagan called America “a shining city on a hill.” Donald Trump calls it “a divided crime scene” that only he can fix. It doesn’t matter to him that illegal immigration and the crime rate are as low as they’ve been in decades — (applause) — because he’s not actually offering any real solutions to those issues. He’s just offering slogans, and he’s offering fear. He’s betting that if he scares enough people, he might score just enough votes to win this election.
And that's another bet that Donald Trump will lose. And the reason he'll lose it is because he’s selling the American people short. We're not a fragile people. We're not a frightful people. Our power doesn’t come from some self-declared savior promising that he alone can restore order as long as we do things his way. We don’t look to be ruled. Our power comes from those immortal declarations first put to paper right here in Philadelphia all those years ago: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that We the People, can form a more perfect union.
That's who we are. That’s our birthright — the capacity to shape our own destiny.
Margaret Chase Smith (1897–1995) Member of the United States Senate from Maine
Declaration of Conscience (1950)
Context: As an American, I condemn a Republican "Fascist" just as much as I condemn a Democrat "Communist." I condemn a Democrat "Fascist" just as much as I condemn a Republican "Communist." They are equally dangerous to you and me and to our country. As an American, I want to see our nation recapture the strength and unity it once had when we fought the enemy instead of ourselves.
Maimónides book The Guide for the Perplexed
Source: Guide for the Perplexed (c. 1190), Part III, Ch.12
Context: The second class of evils comprises such evils as people cause to each other, when, e. g., some of them use their strength against others. These evils are more numerous than those of the first kind... they likewise originate in ourselves, though the sufferer himself cannot avert them.
Rudolf Rocker book Anarcho-Syndicalism
Source: Anarcho-Syndicalism (1938), Ch. 5 "The Methods of Anarcho-Syndicalism"
Context: Political rights do not exist because they have been legally set down on a piece of paper, but only when they have become the ingrown habit of a people, and when any attempt to impair them will meet with the violent resistance of the populace. Where this is not the case, there is no help in any parliamentary Opposition or any Platonic appeals to the constitution. One compels respect from others when he knows how to defend his dignity as a human being. This is not only true in private life, it has always been the same in political life as well.
The peoples owe all the political rights and privileges which we enjoy today in greater or lesser measure, not to the good will of their governments, but to their own strength.
Alan Moore (1953) English writer primarily known for his work in comic books
Alan Moore on Anarchism (2009)
Context: The whole program of evolution seems to be to diversify, because in diversity there is strength.
And if you apply that on a social level, then you get something like anarchy. Everybody is recognized as having their own abilities, their own particular agendas, and everybody has their own need to work cooperatively with other people. So it’s conceivable that the same kind of circumstances that obtain in a small human grouping, like a family or like a collection of friends, could be made to obtain in a wider human grouping like a civilization.
Joseph Conrad (1857–1924) Polish-British writer
Night — Goodbye! <br class="br"> Youth, A Narrative http://www.gutenberg.org/files/525/525.txt (1902)
Francis of Assisi (1182–1226) Catholic saint and founder of the Franciscan Order
Widely known as The Serenity Prayer this has often been attributed to St. Francis, but earliest known forms of it appeared in the early 20th century, and it is generally credited to Reinhold Niebuhr.
Misattributed
V. V. Giri (1894–1980) Indian politician and 4th president of India
Source: Presidents of India, 1950-2003, P.83